Examining ISIS in the Middle East - Coursework Example

Examining ISIS in the Middle East In the numerous media stories that have focused on the Islamic of Iraq and Syria, attention has been on the large number of foreign fighters that the group has been able to entice to join, the brutal tactics that it has employed as well as its significant presence online. An even more important development is the expanding influence that this group is getting within the Muslim world. This paper aims to discuss the presence of ISIS in the Middle East examining the relationships of countries that border what is now referred to as the Islamic State and comparing the manner in which the United States and Syria have elected to deal with the group. Considering the fact that ISIS advocates for a radical Islamic approach, the essay will also look at the ideology driving ISIS through Islam and the history of Wahhabism in Saudi Arabia. History and Background of ISIS Formed in 2013, the Islamic State in Iraq grew out of al-Qaeda and while al-Qaeda has distanced itself the group has grown to become one of the major jihadist groups that are fighting government forces not only in Syria but also Iraq. ISIS is led by Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi who is perceived as a commander and tactician which is what has appealed most to young jihadists as opposed to al-Qaeda which is led by Ayman al-Zawahiri (BBC 1). It has been estimated that over 80% of western fighters who fought in Syria have now moved to join ISIS. As opposed to rebel fighters operating in Syria, IS apparently aiming at the creation of an Islamic state that would exist between Syria and Iraq. The group has been characterized by a significant amount of military success taking over the Syrian provincial capital of Raqqa, Falluja, Ramadi as well as a number of smaller towns located on the borders of Turkey and Syria (BBC 1). In the beginning, the group drew its funding from wealthy individuals living in the Gulf Arab states of Kuwait and Saudi Arabia who were encouraged by the fact that ISIS was fighting against President Bashar Al-Assad of Syria. Presently the group earns large amounts from oil with some reports arguing that some of the supply is sold back to the Syrian government. In addition, the group is reportedly selling antiquities looted from historical sites (BBC 1). ISIS has proved fanatical in the manner that it employs social media in order to drive its agenda putting in place a media arm referred to as Al Hayat which has gone on to produce a large number of films capturing everything from beheadings to features that last an hour long. The group also has a significant presence on Twitter. Their videos have gained significant interest as a result of the violence that they depict as well as the narrative that is found in them. Their appeal has become so large that the United States State Department launched its own You Tube channel in an effort to counter their appeal (BBC 1). Saudi Arabia’s distinct lack of interest in the activities of ISIS has been met with confusion especially considering that this group is termed as a distinct threat to every country not only within the Middle East region but also in the world. However, one should consider the fact that one of the core strands to Saudi identity relates back to the founder of Wahabism, Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab, and the manner in which he exercised his brand of radical and exclusionist Puritanism on Ibn Saud who was only a minor leader (Crooke 1). The other line is that of the shift that King Abd-al Azziz took towards statehood and the measures he took to curb Ikhwani violence which led to a distinct acceptance of the a revolution that was based on a hatred of all things that were believed not to have an Islamic nature(Crooke 1). There is little therefore that distinguishes Wahhabism and ISIS; Wahhabism being a distinct threat to Saudi Arabia. Wahhabism, in much the same light as ISIS sought to instill fear among people that they were submissive to control (Al-Amiri 181). It is however important to note that in some aspects, ISIS is a movement that seeks to correct Wahhabism which is seen as the reason for the double perception that Saudi Arabia exhibits towards the group. The fact that ISIS completely rejects the legitimacy of the Saudi King is seen as yet another way in which the group strives to return to the true origins of Wahhabism (Al-Amiri 181). Relationship of ISIS and the Countries Bordering the Islamic State Pletsch (200) argues that each era of civilization is characterized by its own distinct theory which often only work to provide justification the status that the ruling group has and subsequently to control others. Identity politics is therefore another way in which to address the differences that exist in life and instead argue that nationalism has been far more successful at creating organisation. Identity politics is organized around aspects such as ethnicity, gender or race largely because this does not require a large amount of rising of consciousness. These particular groups often define themselves by placing focus on the injustices that they perceive they have suffered or those which they identify with (Pletsch 202). In their mind, choosing to base their politics on identity helps in the creation of different status groups than would have been used in rating class stratification. ISIS first begun fighting against President Bashar Al-Assad of Syria seeing itself as a sort of savior against what was fast becoming the worst humanitarian disaster. Many innocent civilians were killed and millions displaced (Ahmed 23). Indeed this is what gave the group its first source of funding as it was perceived that the group was helping in spreading awareness of the magnitude of the problem and more importantly was taking action. Tribal groups that live on the borders between turkey, Syria and Iraq have created strong links with such militant groups as ISIS ensuring protection and support (Ahmed 24). In Syria and Iraq, ISIS fighters have received both protection and support from the Mehsud and Wazir tribes many who had been previously serving with the Taliban. In Iraq, elements of ISIS have long lived among the tribes that straddle this border for well over ten years (Dukhan 5). When the Syrian uprising began, ISIS sent jihadists from Syria who had already set up base in Iraq. Protection and support is often offered in these areas since the common sentiment is a strong and distinct resentment towards the state. ISIS has managed to create a perception that the group and the tribes living in these countries all share a common enemy, Bashar Al-Assad, which in turn has enabled the group to build strong and distinct foundations especially in Syria (Dukhan 8-9). As identity politics posits, the core element in the formation of a group is the setting up of kinship where every individual member is responsible for each other and therefore the actions carried out by the group are collective in nature (Ahmed 27).When these groups are attacked, the members are obligated to come together to either defend each other, seek compensation or revenge depending on the extent of the harm which they have been caused. In examining Syria and Iraq, it becomes clear that many believed it to be a natural reaction to take up arms considering the fact that both Al-Assad’s regime and the United States had created a significant amount of violence (Dukhan 12-13). In this instance, identity politics is founded on the notion of intiqaam which refers to taking revenge for either real or perceived offenses that have been carried out against one’s family members. Members of the Arab tribes living in Syria and Iraq we bound by a distinct code of honor to take vengeance which in this instance were the Syrian and American security forces(Salzman 45). The often complex nature that describes the relationship that ISIS has with its three neighbors can be described through three distinct arguments that range from economic benefits and protection to fear and grievances which essentially makes ISIS acceptable since it is fighting a common enemy of the tribes (Salzman 47). The relationship with Turkey is much more complex; with its wide resources and strategic positioning, Turkey essentially allowed foreign fighters to cross over to Syria to join ISIS. The country has sent millions of dollars in aid to Syria but its leader is Islamist who has often criticized Western presence in the Middle East which is another example of offering support to the ideals that ISIS supports (Salzman 49). Syrian and American Approaches in Dealing with ISIS In the present globalised world, it is not possible to classify international affairs into either the realist, liberal or Marxist school of thoughts. The United States employed a largely defensive reality when dealing with ISIS seeing it as a small group that had little interest in military expansion and that for them the costs of expansion would outweigh any benefits the group could have gotten(Walt 33). In this regard, the United States failed in assuming that the world was largely exaggerating on the threat that the group and placed excessive faith on the efficiency of the use of military force. It failed to consider the fact that ISIS had gone underground following attacks by the Iraqi army and resurfaced during the Syrian civil war where large patches of the country were not governed (Walt 34). For the United States, the dilemma in how it is dealing with ISIS is the fact that unwittingly, its military campaign is also providing help to President Bashar who has been accused of war crimes. The fact that ISIS has taken over significant sections of both Iraq and Syria is proof that ISIS is slowly gaining dominance. This is what has led the United States to carry out airstrikes and plans are being put in place to create a local ground force which is not an easy task in Syria (Labbott 1). In this instance, military force is being used not only as a way of cutting back on ISIS financing but also to eliminate the flow of fighters going to join ISIS and destroy its sources of financing. Political solutions are also being sought in order to bring Sunnis and Shiites together as their division is being perceived as the greatest advantage for ISIS. However, the United States still does not consider ISIS as a major threat such as what led them to invade Iraq opting to not expand on its military presence instead relying on the local countries to deal with this problem (Labbott 1). The United States is well aware that ISIS presents the biggest faction that is fighting forces in Assad’s government which essentially means that weakening them would provide the chance for Assad to become even more powerful. This is the reason why the country has sought to incorporate the Iraqi, Kurdish and Sunni military in a coalition that is aimed at reducing the amount of ground that ISIS has gained (Labbott 1). However, critics have argued that this particular strategy only works to undermine any efforts put in place to counter ISIS since it presents Iran with the chance to assert its dominance over Iraq, Syria and Lebanon. For instance, Iran has set up militias in Iraq which have not only been involved in the Iraqi frontlines but have also played a core role in retaking territory from ISIS (Labbot 1). It has been argued that the use of military force alone will not be sufficient and that there is a need to incorporate diplomatic as well as economic strategies in defeating this group. The United States is also considering mobilizing as well as coordinating partners in order to provide support to regional as well as local forces to fight against terrorism (Labbot 1). On the other hand, the approach taken by Syria is far less clear; in public, President Bashar claims that his government and ISIS are war with ISIS constantly vowing to overturn Assad’s regime and subsequently turn Syria into an Islamic State. However, perhaps Syria is reluctant to accept foreign help to deal with ISIS because its rise has also served his own interests (Haid 1). It has often been reported that much of the oil supply that ISIS controls is sold back to the Assad government. In addition, Assad’s government also runs some of the oil and gas installations hand in hand with the terrorist movement. This oil is sold to local people at low prices that ensure his support continues to grow (Haid 1). Assad has generally used ISIS as a way in which to reassert his narrative that the United States led airstrikes are a foreign attempt at interfering with the sovereignty of Syria further fuelling resentment against the United States (Haid 1). Moreover, his government has attempted to exploit the presence of ISIS in Syria to force the opposition into accepting that it is beneficial for the country for Assad to remain in power and that instead the regime and the oppositions should work together to bring down ISIS. What this presents is an opportunity for Assad to end the entire rebellion against him and subsequently reassert his control over Syria (Haid 1). Essentially Assad has left ISIS to carry out its operations as it wills by regulating the type of goods that come into the areas that are controlled by the regime in return for getting profit from the regime itself. While Syria has agreed to take part in the United States led coalition, it has distinctly refused any action to be taken without permission from the country (Haid 1). Assad’s lack of focus on dealing decisively with ISIS has seen a significant weakening in the country’s army as seen in the major defections of soldiers, a distinct erosion of its centralized structure and a rise of warlords within the army itself. With regard to fighting against ISIS, it is distinctly obvious that Assad has not done much. This can be taken to mean that ISIS has largely taken the initiative against the regime in the large majority of cases such as in Raqqa, Deir Ezzor and Homs and that it has won the large majority of its battles(Haid 1). Conclusion That ISIS is fast becoming a threat is not only to the Middle East region but the globe as a whole. Growing out of al-Qaeda, the group has risen in popularity as a result of its widespread use of social media. The group aims to create an Islamic state and has received a significant amount of support from tribes living in the border areas of Iraq and Syria who are encouraged by the perception that the group is fighting against foreign influences and injustices. The United States and Syria have employed distinct approaches in dealing with this group; the United States is leading a military coalition and is looking at integrating diplomatic approaches. On the other hand, Syria has been criticized for doing little to reduce on the impact of ISIS. Work Cited Ahmed, Akhbar,S. The Thistle and the Drone: How America’s War on Terror Became a Global War on Tribal Islam. Washington D.C: Brookings Institution, 2013. Print. Al-Amiri, Said Mahmud Najm. The Birth of AI-Wahabi Movement And its Historic Roots. Iraq: General Military Intelligence Directorate, 2002. Print. BBC. “Syria Iraq: The Islamist State militant group.” 2 Aug 2014. Web. 2 April 2015 < http://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-24179084 > Crooke, Alastair. You Can’t Understand ISIS If You Don’t Know the History of Wahhabbism in Saudi Arabia. The World Post. 27 Aug 2014. Web. 2 April 2015 Dukhan, Haian. (2014). Tribes and Tribalism in the Syrian Uprising, Syria Studies Journal, Vol: 6, No: 02, pp. 1-27. Haid, Haid. Can Assad be a Partner in the Fight Against ISIS? Heinrich Boll Stiftung. 10 Feb 2015. Web. 2 April 2015 < http://lb.boell.org/en/2015/02/10/can-assad-be-partner-fight-against-isis > Labott, Elise. Sources: Obama seeks new Syria strategy review to deal with ISIS, Al-Assad. CNN. Nov 13, 2014. Web. 2 April 2015 Pletsch, Carl. “Class , Nationalism and Identity Politics.” Peace Review, 11.2(1999):200-202. Print. Salzman, Philip,C. Culture and Conflict in the Middle East. New York: Prometheus Books, 2008. Print. Walt, Stephen.M. “International Relations: One World, Many Theories.” Foreign Policy 110: 33-34. Print. Read More