Why Don't Feminists Agree on Questions about Prostitution and Human Rights - Coursework Example

Feminist Philosophy Feminism is a concept, a critical theory which flourishes from debate as do all other theories. Many forms of feminism exist but polar opposite ideologies are the liberal and radical varieties. Only by examining and deliberating the differences in opinion regarding feminism’s role in society will the theory evolve and thus be more readily accepted and incorporated into society’s collective conscience and laws. Debating the issue between factions within feminist thought ultimately works to change the conditions of women’s lives. In spite of the wide range of feminist philosophies and political approaches that characterize the feminist movement, typical portrayals of feminist thought depict it in a negative light, that those who espouse this position are inflexible and unwilling to accept criticism. The media usually speaks of the feminist view as an all-encompassing position accepted by all women with no degree of varied opinions present within the ranks. Because of this distorted perception, the public, lawmakers and those involved in the women’s movement itself takes little notice in the many debates occurring within feminist coalitions. As far as many are concerned, the feminist philosophy is of one universally agreed upon set of guidelines and has not changed noticeably from the time when the modern movement began in the 1960’s. In actuality, feminist organisations have adapted both ideologically and structurally to better reflect the diverse opinions existing within the movement. Feminism has and continues to be an energetic and shifting concept, changing and reinventing along with the attitudes of society. This is especially the case for the two opposing ends of the feminist spectrum, liberal and radical feminist thought. Additionally, defining clear definitions of feminism is difficult because most women who describe themselves as feminists and identify with a prescribed ideology also borrow concepts from other forms of feminism. Feminists are hardly of one mind, they generally think for themselves. While some may accept the majority of a particular feminist doctrine or theory they reject some of its principles outright. Whatever the case, feminism promotes equality, a home and workplace where women have an equal portion of control and rights. This discussion begins with a definition of feminism then examines the dissimilarities within the feminist movement specifically focusing on the liberal and radical views of the highly controversial topics of prostitution and human rights to best illuminate the disparity within the movement. Feminism is best described as a structured movement that endorses the idea of equality for women and minorities in the economic, social and political arenas. No one would question that women have historically been subjugated to second-class citizen status and oppressive tactics simply due to their gender in the dominant patriarchal society. Feminists believe this subjugation continues today even after the gains made by the feminist movement of the 1960’s and 1970’s. The outcome of eradicating the concept of a patriarchy can only result in the liberation of women, gays, minorities and men as well. “Patriarchy is the system which oppresses women through its social, economic and political institutions. Throughout history men have had greater power in both the public and private spheres. To maintain this power, men have created boundaries and obstacles for women, thus making it harder for women to hold power” (Kramarae et al, 1985). Women, minorities and gays are oppressed and do not enjoy equal opportunities in a patriarchal society as evidenced throughout history. Feminist ideology encompasses many diverse ideas, all evolving over the past four decades. During the 1960’s, women began developing theories to help express the oppression they endured and the modern-day feminist movement was born. Through the 1970’s, defiant segments that embraced this growing ideology began coordinating and mobilizing their efforts to challenge the status quo patriarchy. However, in the 1980’s, feminists began to disagree on specific concerns related to feminist thought. What had been one general theory began branching out into several theories focusing on varied issues involving feminism. “Today, there are as many definitions of feminism as there are feminists. Each definition of feminism depends on a number of factors including one’s own beliefs, history and culture” (Kramarae et al, 1985). Radical feminism advances the basic concepts for much of what is commonly identified as feminism. This ideology typically conflicts with liberal feminist principles because radical feminism believes that the complete dissolution of a patriarchal society is necessary to achieve true equality and the situation cannot be resolved by legislative efforts alone. The radical segment of any movement attracts the most attention from the media and feminism is no exception which unfortunately creates misunderstandings of the entire movement as a whole leading to a hostile response towards feminist issues from the general public. According to radical feminist ideology, the subjugation of women is not only the oldest form of oppression but is also the worst type of tyranny. This is because patriarchal societies have dominated the world since the beginning of civilisation oppressing women regardless of class, culture or race. Radical feminism advocates freeing not only women but men as well from the inflexible gender roles imposed by society. Because the widespread and long-standing gender-based societal system has fostered overt oppression against women, the objective of the radical feminists has been to dismantle this arrangement by any means at their disposal. “Sometimes radical feminists believe that they must wage a war against men, patriarchy, and the gender system which confines them to rigid social roles. They completely reject these roles, all aspects of patriarchy, and in some cases, they reject men as well” (Daly, 1990). Radical feminists continually underscore the differences between men and women and frequently form organisations which prohibit men entirely where they speak of the experiences of women, their relationships and personal feelings. Radical feminists blame the fundamental societal arrangement that has encouraged the oppression of women enabling this discrepancy of justice to be deemed as the ‘norm’ in most cultures. Simply stated, radical feminism is philosophy centered on women. It aspires to “tear down the legitimised and institutionalized domination of men over women and replace it with systems of mutuality, cooperation, and sharing” (Storkey, 1985). Because much of society including the media has generally pigeonholed radical feminists as men-hating lesbians who have been jaded by bad relationships, the constructive efforts of this group has often been unknown. Radical feminism, through protests and other high-profile activities have accomplished much towards their goal of furthering the rights of women. These political actions by the radicals have appropriately linked them to liberalist thought. “The consciousness raising efforts of liberalism have laid the groundwork for the major changes sought by radicals” (Storkey, 1985). Though the ideology of radical feminists differs from liberal feminists, radicals owe much of their successes to the liberals. Though the status of women has improved over the past 40 years through their efforts, radical feminists submit that rampant and overt discriminatory practices and blatant sexism exist still today and that equal rights legislation and protest are insufficient methods by which to end oppression. Radical feminists themselves are not of one mind, however, and have split into distinctly separate groups. Radical Libertarian feminists have fundamentally different views in that they believe the ability to reproduce and the pressure from society to be feminine curtails women’s ability to make a positive contribution in society. According to this philosophy, women should, in effect, be androgynous. “Radical Libertarian feminism advocates violating sexual norms and believe that women should control every aspect of their sexuality. They also advocate artificial means of reproduction so that less time is devoted to pregnancy and more time is devoted to worthwhile things” (Daly, 1990). This group strongly supports abortion rights and the various types of birth control. Another category of radical feminism is that of the radical-cultural opinion whose views dramatically differ from Radical-Libertarian feminists. They believe, in simplistic terms, that women are better than men because feminine traits are culturally more advantageous and desirable than masculine traits. Author and radical-cultural feminist Mary Daly has been a long-time advocate for this point of view and implore women to find their ‘wild female within’. To them, men use the penetration involved in sex to physically and psychologically dominate women, that there is a clear association between intercourse and rape, abuse and the subordination of women. Other types of radical feminists are opposed to this view believing that women hold great power through their reproductive capability. Men are envious of this therefore strive to dominate women by employing birth control techniques to maintain the control they seek (Daly, 1990). Liberal feminism is the type most identified with the civil rights movement of the 1950’s and 1960’s. The focal point of their viewpoint is that all people, including men, are entitled to equal rights and considerations. Liberal feminists believe the oppression of women begins the way both genders are socialized. Aggressiveness by boys are encouraged by society but girls are generally taught to be ‘ladylike’ which promotes the patriarchal system allowing men to retain their power and control over women. “Liberal feminists believe that women have the same mental capacity as their male counterparts and should be given the same opportunities in political, economic and social spheres. Women should have the right to choose, not have their life chosen for them because of their sex. Essentially, women must be like men” (Kramarae et al, 1985). Liberal feminists have been instrumental in producing and supporting laws which eradicate social barriers women have historically endured. These laws have sought equal rights and opportunities for women in the workplace, educational system and through social and health programs. By legislating equality for all, the traditional patriarchal ideologies are challenged and broken down while liberating women at the same time. Liberal feminists have been criticised for concentrating only on the legal aspects in the struggle against the patriarchal system but not the social aspects of the inequality problem. In addition, liberal feminists generally discount class and racial concerns. “Does equality mean legal equality and freedom of competition as the liberalists maintain or does equality require economic equality and freedom from competition as the radical feminists claim?” (Kramarae et al, 1985). The goal of realising equal rights and opportunities are shared by both radical and liberal feminists; however, the methods are dissimilar. Radical feminists advocate social changes while liberal feminists look more to individual rights. Women of all political affiliations and feminist points of view rightly believe their gender has throughout history and still today been the victim of both overt and subtle manners of male repression. Though all feminists subscribe to this rather obvious reality, the various groups disagree to the best method of combating this social discrepancy. The act of prostitution illustrates this division of feminist philosophy. Radical feminists view prostitution as a social ill that only exacerbates the historical oppression of women while liberal feminists generally view prostitutes as simply self-employed women. Radicals believe that prostitution should be eliminated (in theory) but liberals do not, they think that women should be free to pursue whatever career choice they want without governmental intervention. “Radical feminism tends to be mechanical in their analysis of prostitution, separating the moral and spiritual forces of relationships from the temporal forces (and) in doing so they present an incomplete view of relationships between men and women, as well as the intricate relationships between prostitutes and their client” (Bromberg, 1997). Radical feminists have a tendency to overstate and misrepresent the meaning of terms such as rape when describing the consensual pay-for-sex relationship. They do, however, make the credible philosophical argument that the aggressive nature of men regarding sexual activity is based on and encouraged by their social upbringing and therefore not biological in nature. Because of this, men’s attitude toward women is capable of being modified with a major societal change being the prerequisite. Most men, to the contrary, consider their sexual appetites and need for more than one sexual partner to be biological, an inherent trait that cannot be controlled even by a major societal alteration of taught behaviour. Radical feminists counter by saying this notion is flawed and that the attitude of men can indeed be changed. This view has recently enjoyed a degree of credibility. “Biological studies which show that all human behaviors are not necessarily inherited; that many behaviors potentially arise as a function of human cultures” (Bromberg, 1997). Radical feminists view prostitution in unambiguous terms that in all instances, violates not only human dignity but human rights as well. Prostitutes are viewed as victims within the same patriarchal culture that has always exploited women. “Some abolitionists see prostitution as the absolute embodiment of patriarchal privilege and see the exchange of sex for money little more than the complete exploitation of women by patriarchy” (Kessler, 2002: 219). Some prostitutes say that they enjoy their chosen profession because they like sex and the money it provides which is generally more than other professions. They believe they are exploiting men. They earn a good living by providing on what is usually given away for free. Radical feminists think this point of view is delusional, that no women consents to being a prostitute and want to abolish the practice. Radicals essentially are unbending in their beliefs despite any evidence to the contrary. This group could be better characterised as fundamentalists, a term which is understood to imply clinging to belief system while summarily ignoring new information that contradicts these beliefs. Most women [and men] agree prostitution can potentially be harmful to women in much the same way as the male dominated construction industry. Liberal feminists rather women are allowed to make their own choices and not have their morality questioned by those of an unyielding philosophy whether by radicals or men. Only in this way are women truly empowered. Radicals, on the other hand would criminalise prostitution. “Abolitionists feel that the legalisation or decriminalisation of prostitution only serves to worsen the problem, and that for the complete eradication of sex work, criminalizing the people involved in sex work is the most effective means to do this” (Bindel & Kelly, 2003: 23). Liberal feminists believe it wrong to enact ‘morality laws’ designed to restrict the free will of women, which only serves to further oppress women. Liberal feminism believes women should be free agents, allowed to choose any vocation they wish. Women have historically been restricted in their choice of profession such as in areas of education, politics and business [often referred to as the ‘glass ceiling’] and their right to choose should not be limited by legislation or condemnation by those who are unwilling to modify their point of view. Liberal feminists do not consider prostitutes to be victims and realise the reasons to choose the sex profession as a multi-layered, complex and individualised decision. “The liberal argument places great emphasis on the question of choice. Women can choose to be a prostitute, women can choose sex work, and denying this element of choice can be dangerous” (Chapkis, 1997). Liberal feminists submit that decriminalising prostitution would permit women the chance to pursue their career choice without being punished, choice should be a fundamental right for all. Liberal feminists argue that legalisation would make the profession safer and would allow for them to collect governmental benefits such as social welfare and could unionise instead of fearing punitive actions based solely on moral grounds (Chapkis, 1997). The profession of prostitution is a global issue and both radical and liberal feminist arguments are central to the debate regarding how or whether it is to be legislated and/or regulated. It has emerged as a human rights issue within the United Nations with both radical and liberals believing they hold the high ground in the ongoing multi-national discussion. The radical feminist lobby within the UN and other various governing organisations contend prostitution represents a hostile act by men against women therefore violates their human rights. Radical feminists continue to lobby for all countries to enforce laws that stiffen the penalties for those who solicit prostitutes as well as those who profit from what they deem to be the exploitation of women and offer counseling and alternatives for those in the sex industry. Liberal feminist groups endorse the concept that women’s rights extend to the right to choose and that laws prohibiting prostitution “constitute a violation of the human rights of women to control their own bodies, lives, and work” (Jeffreys, 2003). This arm of the feminist movement is lobbying for all countries to acknowledge unforced prostitution by legalising consensual for-profit sex acts and allowing this industry to be protected by the justice system instead of being punished by it. Both radical and liberal feminists are dedicated to the proper treatment of women though on opposite sides of the ideological fence. “All feminist positions are founded upon the belief that women suffer from systematic social injustices because of their sex and therefore any feminist is, at the very minimum, committed to some form of reappraisal of the position of women in society” (Evans et al, 1986: 2). These feminist groups are opposed to the oppression of women but radicals believe the act of sex itself is a violation of women therefore constitutes oppression while liberals consider the prohibition of free will not only oppressive but a tyrannical in nature which is intolerable to liberal feminists. Though liberal feminism is associated with the genesis of the modern women’s movement, today women who identify with liberal feminism seldom describes themselves as a feminist though they support equality legislation such as in the employment arena. Liberal feminists do not identify themselves as extremists and trust that the women’s issues that remain unresolved will ultimately be achieved by critical reasoning by a gradually enlightened society which will evolve its views through lobbying efforts. Those who critisise the liberal feminist philosophy suggest that its assumptions of individual rights blind it to underlying social values, both creating and derived from the long-standing societal arrangement, which, unless altered at its core, will continue work to oppress women. According to radicals, until women are entirely independent from men, the patriarchal system will confine them to a life of perpetual subservience to a dominator. “Critics [of liberal feminist thought] believe that institutional changes like the introduction of women’s suffrage are insufficient to emancipate women. In its investment in a social hierarchy that allows nominal equality on the basis of merit and effort” (Bryson & Campling, 1999). As women begin to identify with the principles of feminism, generally, this viewpoint reflects the liberal philosophy, that all should be afforded the same rights and considerations under the law. They believe individual attitudes will eventually change following legislative actions which are intended to be society’s method of setting the standards for social behaviour. They evidence this premise by pointing to the vast advances woman have enjoyed in terms of equality both in the workplace and the perceptions of men since the inception of the modern-day women’s movement. The liberal type of feminism began the movement and is evidently still at its heart. “Liberal feminism still remains popular and influential, [it] is often the first form of feminism that women encounter” (Nye, 1988: 5). The answers to the human rights debate as engaged by liberal and radical feminists contain few absolutes. Both contend the opposing view subverts the common goal of gender equality. Radicals believe the profession of prostitution is counterintuitive to the idea of equality for women while liberals think it to further empowers women, that freedom of career choice is essential in the struggle for true emancipation from what remains a patriarchal society to some extent. Fundamentally, the women’s movement which was fueled by feminist thought from its infancy a century ago to the modern movement of the 60s and still today, has successfully addressed equality and human rights for women. It has been instrumental in legislation that has protected these rights. “The women’s movement raises awareness of issues that directly affect women and indirectly affect our culture” (McPhee, 1997: A23). Among the accomplishments of feminism include the advancement of equal opportunities in the workplace, government sponsored child care, legal, thus safe, abortions, tougher domestic violence and rape laws and the progression of gay rights as well. Though liberal and radical feminists often disagree, this division is typical for any group. “All movements are fraught with extremism, infighting, and power struggles” (McPhee, 1997: A23). Feminist issues are multifaceted therefore the approaches to remedying the historical imbalance of equality are often contentious and inadequate. Feminists do not agree on solutions and not all needs of women have been met because individual circumstances are multifaceted as well. Women and their ever changing lives cannot be placed in specified categories nor can the answers to their specific needs be found in theories. What all feminists or those sympathetic to their cause should recognise is that the overall goal of leveling the playing field for all is a constant effort and the core goals remain the same. References Bindel, J. and Kelly, L. (2003). A Critical Examination of Responses to Prostitution in Four Countries: Victoria, Australia; Ireland; the Netherlands; and Sweden. London: London Metropolitan University. Bromberg, Sarah. (1997). “Feminist Issues in Prostitution.” Feminist Issues. Available 27 August 2007 from Bryson, Valerie & Campling, Jo. (September 1999). Feminist Debates: Issues of Theory and Political Practise. New York: New York University Press: 14-15. Chapkis, W. (1997). Live Sex Acts: Women Performing Erotic Labour. London: Cassell. Daly, Mary. (November 1990). Gyn/Ecology: The Metaethics of Radical Feminism. Boston: Beacon Press. Evans, Judy; Jill Hills; Karen Hunt; Elizabeth M Meehan; Tessa Ten Tusscher; Ursula Vogel; Georgina Waylen. (1986). Feminism and Political Theory. London: Sage. Jeffreys, Elaine. (21 November 2003). A Matter of Choice: Feminist Prostitution Debates and the Example of China. Sydney: University of Technology. Available 27 August 2007 from Kessler, K. (2002). “Is a Feminist Stance in Support of Prostitution Possible? An Exploration in Current Trends.” Sexualities. Vol. 5, N. 2: 219-235. Kramarae, Cheris and Treichler, Paula A., with assistance from Ann Russo. (1985). A Feminist Dictionary. London, Boston: Pandora Press. McPhee, John. (4 March 1997). “A Feminist Redefined.” The New York Times. p. A23. Nye, Andrea. (1988). Feminist Theory and the Philosophies of Man. London: Croom Helm. Storkey, Elaine. (1985). What’s Right with Feminism. Grand Rapids, MI: SPCK (Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge); Rev Ed edition (1 Aug 2006). Read More