The Elementary Forms Of The Religious Life by Emile Durkheim - Literature review Example

The Elementary Forms of The Religious Life by Emile Durkheim Emile Durkheim – ‘The Elementary Forms Of The Religious Life’ – social, political andhistorical context In order to understand the descriptions of the elementary forms of the religious life presented within the relevant work of Durkheim, it should be necessary to refer primarily to the historical, social and political context of the era in which ‘The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life’ was being developed. At a first level, it should be noticed that the work of Durkheim is not independent from that of the other sociologists of his era. Moreover, in the work of Durkheim one could identify common points between the earlier and the later studies published by the above sociologist. In accordance with Fish (2002) ‘it is the religious and emotional foundations of order that provide the true germinative link between Durkheims early and later work, and not structural functional differentiation, as commentators like Wallwork (1984, 1985) had otherwise suggested’ (Nisbet, 1972 in Fish, 2002, 203). In other words, emotions have influenced the work of Durkheim; despite the fact that through his work a logical approach/ interpretation of the world can be identified, still there are clear indications of the emotions’ involvement in most parts of the particular sociologist’s work. Emile Durkheim was born in Lorraine (France) in 1858. His family was actively involved in religion and Jewish traditions – his father and his grandfather were rabbis. However, Durkheim followed a different way – this of the sociology being influenced by his roots and the thoughts of his family on religion. The main aspect of his life was his career being focused on academic studies; his social environment was related with his work – academics with a strong curiosity for new scientific developments. His era was characterized by the active involvement of many academics in efforts to develop a new sociology – based on new approaches and beliefs being differentiated from the sociological thoughts of the past. However, there were severe constraints to the completion of the specific task. In accordance with the study of Coser (1997) who tried to identify all the key aspects of Durkheim’s thoughts on sociology but also the social and political environment in which the work of Durkheim was developed ‘in his well-established status he differed from the men dealt with so far, and his life may seem uneventful when compared with theirs’ (Coser, 1997, 143). On the other hand, it is made clear that Durkheim as well as many other sociologists of his era ‘were all academic men but were still considered by their colleagues as intruders representing a discipline that had little claim to legitimate status; they fought from within the halls of academe rather than from outside, and so their lives tended to be less embattled than those of their predecessors’ (Coser, 1997, 143). The ‘Elementary Forms of The Religious Life’ was written by Durkheim in 1912. This was a period of strong political and social turbulences across Europe – the World War I was to begin shortly. Under these conditions, Durkheim had also to fight against the existing academic thoughts regarding the role of sociology in society – referring to specific aspects of social life, like religion, crime, human nature and labour. Current paper focuses on the examination of three specific chapters of ‘The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life’, i.e. chapters 1, 2 and 7 in which the views of Durkheim on totemic beliefs – and the response of people to these beliefs - are being developed. 2. Key arguments of primary text – analysis of Ch. 1, 2 and 7 (book II) One of the main priorities for Durkheim in his work ‘the Elementary Forms of the Religious Life’ is the presentation of the ideas/ concepts that led people to the development of religion since the first stages of human life. The views of Durkheim on religion – as in other social concepts – have been extensively examined by theorists in order to identify the key criteria for the above sociologist’s theories on all social and political concepts; an indicative example is the work of Jones (2003) where the relationship of Durkheim’s work with pragmatism is examined. In the work of Rosati (2003) a similar approach to the work of Durkheim is attempted. Moreover, Datta (2008) tries to present the concept of ‘totem’ as used by Durkheim emphasizing on the sacred character of the specific piece being used primarily as a mark of distinction. In book II of the specific work a series of issues related with totemic beliefs are explained. Totemic beliefs are presented – as of their general aspects – in Chapter I up to Chapter IV of book 2. Furthermore, the origins of these beliefs are identified (Chapter V up to Chapter VII). In Chapter I the role of totem as emblem is explained. More specifically, it is noticed that ‘the totem is not merely a name, it is an emblem, a veritable coat of arms whose analogies, with the arms of heraldry have often been remarked’ (Durkheim, Chapter I, page 113 in Swain, 1976). In the same page, the totem is described as ‘a design which corresponds to the heraldic emblems of civilized nations, and each person is authorized to bear it as a proof of the identify of the family to which it belongs’ (Durkheim, Chapter I, page 113, in Swain, 1976). At this point, there is possibly a misunderstanding regarding the characteristics and the role of totem. More specifically, through these views Durkheim is differentiated by the sense of totem used purely as a representation of religious beliefs (like in the case of Indians in America). Regarding the use of totem by Indians, Durkheim refers to the fact that Indians used to paint totems on their body especially in periods of war – however, even in this case, totem was related with the religion – it was not used as a sign of class or family differentiation – like in the civilized nations of Australia – as the study of Durkheim on the ethics of the relevant populations proved. Another fact highlighted in Chapter One of Book 2 is that through the years, the forms of totem have been differentiated in order to represent the different social and cultural ethics held in a particular society. In this context, it is made clear that ‘wherever the society has become sedentary, where the tent is replaced by the house, and where the plastic arts are more fully developed, the totem is engraved upon the woodwork and upon the walls’ (Durkheim, Chapter I, page 114 in Swain, 1976). At this point, the following remark could be made: Durkheim refers to the change in the forms of totem in accordance with the development of civilization; however he does not refer to the change in the value of totem through the development of people’s religious beliefs. Indigenous people that were not able to explore the aspects of religion as part of the human existence focused on the development of totem; however, through the radical changes in the religious beliefs worldwide, the role of totem as symbols of religion has been limited. For this reason, Durkheim should also refer in this Chapter not only to the historical roots of totem as part of the people’s religious life but also to the role of totem through the development of human history and the changes in the critical thinking and evaluation of religion by most people within the international community.About Google Book Search - Book Search Blog - Information for Publishers - Provide Feedback - Google Home ©2008 Google The overall assumption from the Chapter One of book II of the specific work of Durkheim is that totem has been extensively used by people living in specific regions worldwide – the case of indigenous populations of Australia is used as example in the specific work of Durkheim – in order to represent not only the religious beliefs but also the social class/ family of the people involved. The specific issue is also highlighted in the Chapter Seven of book 2 where the origins of totemic beliefs are explored and evaluated. In Chapter Two of book 2, the identification of the main aspects of totemic beliefs is being continued through the presentation of the material used but also the objects being represented in a totem. In accordance with Durkheim ‘since the designs which represent the totem arouse religious sentiments, it is natural that the things whose aspect these design reproduce should have this same property, at least to a certain degree’ (Durkheim, Chapter II, page 128 in Swain, 1976). Through the above explanations the use of plants or animals as totem could be justified; in this case, totem is being interpreted as an object that has sacred character and for this reason, it should be respected; the increase of value and respect of specific plants and animals worldwide can be explained using their involvement with the religious beliefs of the population of a specific region. However it is not explained whether there are specific criteria on which the choice of a plant/ animal is based. The role of certain plants/ animals on the daily life of people in a particular region is mentioned as a criterion for the choice of these plants/ animals as totem. On the other hand, the graphics used on a totem for the representation of different parts of human life seem to remain standard across populations that use totem as part of their religious life. Regarding the graphical develpoment of totem, Durkheim notices that ‘men and women are generally represented by semicircles, and animals by whole circles or spirals, the tracks of men or animals by lines of points etc’ (Durkheim, Chapter Two, page 127 in Swain, 1976). At a next level, it is explained that the graphical combinations developed on totems cannot be above a specific level – they are limited. The specific fact can lead to the existence of two totems that have the same graphical representations but they are differentiated as of the expressions included. Indeed, it is supported by Durkheim that ‘two nurtunja (types of totems) may have exactly the same appearance, and yet express two things as different as a gum tree and an emu’ (Durkheim, Chapter II, page 127 in Swain, 1976). One of the most important issues developed in Chapter Two of the specific work is the fact that not only totem as sacred objects are important for the religious beliefs on a specific population; the surrounding of the totem and the practices used by the locals in the ceremonies developed for religious purposes (usually around the totem) are also important for the elementary forms of religious life of populations around the world. The practices used by a specific population are mentioned by Durkheim as an example: some totems are not permitted to be touched (page 133), other totems are related with the provision to human of mythical powers (page 135) while the issue of affinity in plants/ animals used as totems is also highlighted (page 136). All these facts/ traditions could be possibly explained by the origins of totemic beliefs – which are analytically presented in Chapter Seven of book 2. In Chapter Seven of Durkheim’s study, an extensive effort is made by the above sociologist to identify the logical reasoning that led to the appearance of totem in societies worldwide – using as examples the cases of totems developed across Australian indigenous populations. In order to reach a valid assumption on the specific problem, Durkheim notices that a totem ‘expresses and symbolizes two different sorts of things; in the first place, it is the outward and visible form of what we have called the totemic principle or god; but it is also the symbol of the determined society called the clan’ (Durkheim, Chapter Seven, page 206 in Swain, 1976). The development of the assumptions of Durkheim on the origins of totemic beliefs is completed through the presentation of a series of issues related with these beliefs – these issues have been revealed through the observation of Australian societies of the period under examination. In Chapter Seven the role of a society as a potential model of moral beliefs is explored why extensive reference is made on the two most important phases of development of Australian societies under the influence of totemic beliefs: a) dispersion and b) concentration (page 214). On the other hand, an extensive discussion is made on the role of plants and animals in the development of totemic beliefs. It is concluded that religion is the product of personal perceptions and willingness and it cannot be related with fear (pages 223-224). The specific view could be considered though as being in opposition with the forms of totems which at their high percentage represent figures that cause the fear – the intention of showing the strength of these figures (as it explained above this perception is part of the totemic beliefs) through their form/ graphical representations is the most logical reason for the promotion of fear through totems – as attempted by many populations that use totems as part of their religious life. In other words, Chapter Seven in book 2 is used by Durkheim in order to summarize his findings regarding the reasons that led societies to create totems; the explanation of the role of divine for societies around the world has been followed by the identification of the role of animals and plants in early religious life of people worldwide. Moreover, concepts like idealism and ‘the part is equal to the whole’ are explained in this Chapter being related with the elementary religious life of populations in Australia. 3. Structure or agency under the view of E. Durkheim The issue of structure within the work of Durkheim (referring to the particular book) is mentioned in relation with the methods used (p. 112, Chapter One, book 2) for the development of totem; in this context, it is noticed that the structure of totems in Australia could be compared to the structure of the American ones – the fact that totems in both areas are likely to be extremely solid is also highlighted. If the issue of structure in the work of Durkheim is examined thoroughly, it will be made clear that structure – in accordance with Durkheim – is related with the development of society. In accordance with a definition of structure given by Durkheim (1964) it is noticed that ‘structure itself is encountered in becoming, and one cannot illustrate it except by pursuing this process of becoming; it forms and dissolves continually; it is life arrived and a certain measure of consolidation; to disconnect it from the life from which it derives or from that which it determines is equivalent to dissociating things that are inseparable’ (Durkheim, 1964, 362 in Datta, 2008, 289). In accordance with the above, structure is not related with the form/ design of a particular object. It is related with specific social concepts that are necessary in order for the various aspects of human life to be developed. In this context, structure should be a priority for sociologists around the world no matter the political/ financial conditions of a specific society. As for the concept of agency the following issues should be mentioned: the specific concept presents differentiations among sociologists. In accordance with Honderich (1995) the agent is a ‘person (or other being) who is the subject when there is action’ (Honderich, 1995). As for Durkheim, the concept of agency is developed using a cultural view (see also Ratner, 2000). Using this view, it can be noticed that ‘agency always operates within and through a social structure; agency does not precede society and create it as a voluntary agreement of independent individuals; individuals are always socially related’ (Ratner, 2000, 419). Under these terms, agency could be regarded as related with structure: they both focus on the development of specific social concepts in accordance with the views of individuals participating in the relevant initiatives. References Datta, R. (2008) Totems, Dispositifs and Some Striking Parallels between Durkheim and Foucault. Journal of Classical Sociology, 8(2): 283-305 Emile Durkheim, [1912] The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life, Translated by Joseph W. Swain. Routledge, 1976 Fish, J. (2002) Religion and the Changing Intensity of Emotional Solidarities in Durkheims The Division of Labour in Society (1993). Journal of Classical Sociology, 2(2): 203-223 Honderich, T. (1995). Oxford Companion to Philosophy. Oxford: Oxford Jones, S. (2003) From Varieties to Elementary Forms - Emile Durkheim on Religious Life. Journal of Classical Sociology, 3(2): 99-121 Lewis A. Coser, Masters of Sociological Thought: Ideasin Historical and Social Context, 2nd Ed., Fort Worth:Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, Inc., 1977: 143-144. Ratner, C. (2000) Agency and Culture. Journal for The Theory of Social Behavior, 30: 413-434 Rosati, M. (2003) The Making and Representing of Society - Religion, the Sacred and Solidarity among Strangers in a Durkheimian Perspective. Journal of Classical Sociology, 3(2): 173-196 Read More