Cult of the Zar, Gender in Zar - Research Paper Example

Cult of the Zar Introduction As a religious custom, Zar traces its origin from central Ethiopia around 18th century and later spread to other regions like North and Eastern Africa. This custom revolves around spirit possessions and in particular the female. In addition, this religious custom is also practiced in other regions that include the Middle East. On another note, this cult provides the women with a refuge and to extent, effeminate men in conservative regions such as Northern Sudan that is dominated by Muslims. Conversely, in a region such as Ethiopia, this cult (Zar) denotes a malevolent demon and a larger part of the population in Ethiopia believe in the Zar spirits. For instance, mental illness among the believers of this cult is often associated with Zar possession. This possession is further considered to be more common among the feminine gender; however, in the west, immigrants associate the Zar possession with the male gender. Further, Zar being a trance ceremony in some parts of Africa and the Middle East is technically unacceptable in the Islam religion. Despite the prohibition, the practice involves a healing cult where believers engage in drumming and dancing. Zar also provides an avenue for sharing knowledge and doing charity work among women in a patriarchal society evident for instance, in North Africa and the Middle East. In this religious custom, women dominate the sphere of leadership and participation is also dominated by the female gender (Boddy 6). This paper explores the practices related to Zar cult in Northern Sudan, Egypt and also the Middle East. The Zar ceremony This ceremony normally occur purposely to treat mental illness, despite being several ways of resolving psychological disturbance, the Zar ceremony is considered as the last resort in dealing with a number of ailments. However, this practice is not common in most part of Egypt, but is popular in the southern Egypt and extends to Sudan. In times of conducting the ceremony, this practice normally occur in a big room and one that is not used by the family members. As such, families normally rent a room to conduct the ceremony (Boddy 21). The other important aspect of the ceremony practiced by the Zar, is an emphasis on the altar. The altar used by Zar believers resembles a round tray and is placed on top of a bench that is in the center of the room used by the believers. In addition, the altar used by Zar is covered using a white cloth that also contains piles of dried fruits and nuts. In essence, the person who leads the Zar ceremony is required to keep the ritual on track and ensure that there is adherence to ancient traditions. For example, the Zar believers in Egypt call their leader “Kodia” and in most cases, the leader is always a woman (Seligman 300). Further, heredity forms a significant part in terms of mothers passing their leadership role to their daughters. Conversely, men in this cult do not take the leadership role and their contribution in the ceremony may come in the form of drumming, slaughtering ritual animals or making offerings to the possessing spirit. During the ceremony, the person leading is often possessed herself because, it is believed that she can contain her jinn or Spirits. This in turn, helps the “Kodia” to cure her patients. Since the altar is situated at the center of the room, Kodia and musicians that accompany her often sit on one side of the ceremony room. On the other hand, participants in the ceremony; for instance, family members are supposed to contribute an amount of money necessary to deal with the malady. During the time that the ceremony takes place, the patient is the ceremony main focus, this allows the patient to receive assistance from friends and relatives. At this moment, the patient wears a “jalabiya”, which is white in color and her hands and the body covered using henna. In addition, Kohl is used on the eyes and the patient is further perfumed using special Zar scents (Seligman 312). These special Zar scents are also applied to the guests, whereby scents evident during the ceremony are considered to carry out the purpose of purifying the soul when inhaled, these scents also form part of the offerings provided to appease the spirits. For instance, when the ceremony begins, the participants or family members use an aromatic censor that is passed from one person to another as a way of purifying their bodies. On the other hand, the musical instruments that are used during the ceremony include a type of tambourine known as, the tar; moreover, the other musical instrument used during the ceremony includes tabla (Kenyon 62). Kodia on her part is also required to learn songs used in the ceremony; in which case, she is supposed to learn the songs and rhythms embraced or preferred by each spirit. During the entire ceremony, the Kodia maintains a vigilant watch of the procession so as to identify any reaction from the patient. This helps in identifying the different possessing spirit because each Zar spirit has his or her own characteristic whirl known as Gurri. Further, during the ceremony patients in question often appear with their eyes half closed and dissociate themselves with their surroundings. The drumming in a number of instances, often increase the intensity of the patient’s movements. During this time, the patient often moves in circles around the altar, which is seen as a way freeing the patient’s body from the inside out (Kenyon 68). In addition, drumming during the ceremony enable other participants to maintain attention on what is taking place at the ceremony. During the ceremony, the spirit is also engaged in a dialogue with the Kodia, and animal that is sacrificed is used to appease the offending spirit. However, the animal used often differs from one patient to another because of each patient’s status. Further, the offering is normally consumed at the ceremony and represents a means of celebrating together with the deity. In essence, the sacrifice by the Zar believers is meant to appease the deity and also receive his favors. The sacrifice by the Zar is also conducted to mark a number of events that include birth ritual, death and marriage. Examples of animals sacrificed includes doves, camels or goats; these animals are normally sacrificed by cutting their carotid artery and the recovery by patients is considered uncompleted until the participants eat the sacrificial meal (Lerch 240). On other occasions, the participants’ in a Zar ritual are expected to proceed to a nearer water body with a portion of the sacrificial meal and the instruments they use which, they dump into the water body. What follows after such a procession is an advice to the patient to be attentive to his or her spirits and do what the spirits want, and any failure to conform may result in the patient’s relapse (Lerch 240). Gender in Zar Gender is considered to pervade Zar in a number of ways; for instance, the spirits are predominantly male and participants are female. In addition, the illnesses that are connected to spirit possession are also regarded as either male or female, such a binary division is reflected in the society and this is evident in the Sudanese society. The Sudanese society is organized in a way that there are cultural constructed divisions between the female and male gender. In the context of Zar beliefs, gender denotes a “moveable feast” of signs, and which are formed as a result of manipulating the spirit’s “material” world (Kenyon 71). In the Zar rituals, gender is a representation of categorizing spirits and negotiating means of behaving and interacting with the spirit world. In terms of gendering Zar objects, most material objects like incense pots, musical instruments, whips and coffee cups are collectively termed as Idda. Similarly, this term (Idda) is also used to describe the domestic belongings of women at home that include cooking utensils, and other women’s possession. In addition, Idda also marks a period that is legally prescribed for women not to remarry when they are widowed or divorced (Halloy and Naumescu 158). On the other hand, there are three forms of interacting with the material world that depicts the ways that gender is a signifier within Zar. First, there are certain ritual objects that are associated with terms related to the female kin these include objects that are important to the purpose of the rituals associated with Zar. In Ethiopia, a woman considered to have strong powers is allowed to serve coffee to the Habbashi (male spirits) and their guests. As a reward of performing the task of serving coffee, the woman is entitled to a remuneration from the spirits or the human guests who are willing to socialize with the spirits (Messing 1124). The coffee pot as a gendered object represents a woman’s key service to the male gender. Coffee in Zar traditions is viewed as a male drink; however, it is normally the female gender who clean the beans and also roast the same beans, grind and brew them into a sweet coffee preferred by men. Conversely, in the spirit world, sweetness represents a female quality; on another note, coffee in the Zar tradition is normally served without sugar as a way of reinforcing the rugged maleness associated with the spirit (Natvig 671). Second, in the Zar’s spirit world, gender is normally conveyed through dress and appearance; for example, trousers and Jalabiya are considered male attire while enveloping wraps and skirts are considered female dress. In an occasion that is formal, and in particular, when the spirits have come down in the course of several days, the Egyptian male spirits (Pashawat) can be distinguished by the red fez hats and the walking sticks. In addition, the dress used by possessed women provides a clue of the identity of their guests. Thirdly, the Zar spirits can be summoned in a number of ways that include incense, illness or music. With regard to gendered music, women and in particular the practice of Zar in Sudan normally play the instrument known as daluka. In Sudan, the daluka is typically a feminine instrument and when men carry the daluka publicly, this often draws a sense of amusement from the public (Richardson 557). Conversely, the tombura zar, also found in Sudan does not participate in music except when there is a major ritual event that is held once in a year, and such ceremony is normally led by al-sanjak. However, while the tombura can be played by both men and women, the instrument is mainly associated with a ritual known as Sufi where, only men are allowed to drum (Zenkovsky 78). Zar as a form of knowledge In terms of advancing knowledge, Zar is viewed as being part of day to day life. This is because, it provides an explanation in the event that things go wrong or giving a solution to difficult challenges resulting from rapid change. Further, Zar is also a means of tackling social or physical problems; on the same note, Zar is also offered to provide explanation to various issues that include barrenness, certain disorders or failure in school. On another note, Zar is considered as a healing cult in addition to serving other wide range of needs. Zar assist ordinary people cope with rapidly changing situations and the resultant confusions brought about by the rapid changes. In essence, Zar denotes modernization and this is evident in Sennar in Sudan where, Zar assist them to cope with a number of dramatic changes that affect their lives as they shift from rural to urban life (Bainbridge 238). Conclusion Human beings adhere to various beliefs and traditions that seems to define their day to day life. For instance, Zar as a practice in parts of North Africa and the Middle East, offer believers with a sense of belonging and defines their roles within such societies. In addition, the cult of Zar provides an insight to configurations related to spirits and rituals and their role in the contemporary local events. Works Cited Bainbridge, William. Researching New Religious Movements: Responses and Redefinitions. Sociology of Religion 69.2 (2008): pp. 236-238. Print. Boddy, Janice. Spirits and selves in northern Sudan: The cultural therapeutics of possession and trance. American Ethnologist 15.1 (1988): pp. 4-27.Print. Halloy, Arnaud and Naumescu, Vlad. Learning Spirit Possession: An Introduction. Ethnos: Journal of Anthropology 77. 2 (2012): pp. 155-176. Print. Kenyon, Susan. Moveable feast of signs: gender in Zar in central Sudan. Material Religion 3.1 (2007): pp. 62-75.Print. Lerch, Patricia. Wombs and Alien Spirits: Women, Men, and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 30.2 (1991): pp. 240. Print. Messing, Simon.Group therapy and social status in the zar cult of Ethiopia. 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