The Influence of Middle Class on Democracy - Research Paper Example

The Influence of Middle Class on Democracy Name: Institution: Abstract Since the dissolution of the monarchical leadership in Thailand in 1932, the country has enjoyed passive democratic leadership due to various occasions of military junta resulting from constant political struggles. In 1977 the adoption of a new constitution marked the beginning of the road to establish democracy. Unfortunately, the power was grabbed by influential factions leading to the development of the new middle class and the lower class factions. This paper aims to propose a study on how the new middle class influenced the expectations of democracy in the current state of Thailand. The methodology will explore the collection of qualitative data from existing research materials and interviews followed by contextual analysis of the collected data using case study procedures. The findings of the study will aid in not only define the position of the new middle class in Thailand, but also provide course of democratic actions. The Influence of Middle Class on Democracy Introduction Thailand is celebrating more than 80 years of democratic leadership following the termination of the total monarchy in 1932. However, in many occasions the country experienced unstable forms of government due to military interventions (Englehart, 2003). Regardless of the tumultuous political state, the spirit of establishing democracy remained in the minds of many Thais. That is why in mid-1980s, the public ideology on democracy characterized with continuous massive bloody demonstrations such as the one experienced in 1992 influenced the consolidation of democracy in Thailand (Englehart, 2003). In this regard, the military Junta at that time receded to pave way for the establishment of a democratic government devoid of political interruptions which has continued to grow up to date. For instance; the 1977 constitution revised and restructured the framework of Thailand’s electoral democracy. However, apart from the adopted constitution of 1977, the future of establishing a stable state of democracy in Thailand rests in the hands of the urbanized middle class (new middle class). This implies that despite the unending struggle on amending and implementing a democracy-oriented constitution the future of Thailand’s political stability relies on the political stratification of the new middle class (Pathmanand, 2001). The two main courses of the stratification present the possibility of only two options, whereby, the first option prospects on the possibility of the political entrepreneurs indulging in mass protests as a way of expressing their selfish interests. The second option prospects the settling of the middle class for a social compromise as an alternative to safeguard their selfish interests. Either way determines not only the course of democracy, but also the expectations of democracy in Thailand (Albritton & Bureekul, 2008). In order to demystify the influence of new middle class on democratic expectations of Thailand, it is important to address the effects of the middle class frenzies that are driven by fear and anger (Carothers, 2002). This paper proposes a contextual description on how the new middle class influences the progress of establishing democracy in Thailand. It will achieve this by scrutinizing the background of new middle classes and influence on democracy, outlining the objectives, describing the methodology and identifying the prospected implications of the study. Background The prospected political indifferences in Thailand occur in two distinct but deeply related levels (Hadiz, 2004). In this regard, the influential persist on establishing a tyrannical leadership while the large non-elite society pushes for the yellow (transparent) and red (responsible) form of leadership. The recent findings suggest that much attention is focused on the public uproar rather than focussing on the secret power struggles of the influential in Thailand. The situation presented in this context is a state of uncertainty, whereby, the influential factions are turning around the rules to favour their interests. At the end, the solution to the political indifferences depends on which influential faction achieves victory (Englehart, 2003). However, the on-going secret power struggles does not disvalue the public uproar on poor governance. In this regard, it is a rhetoric state where the public is forced to believe that its grievances are going to be addressed because it pushes for adoption of transparency and democracy in Thailand. Unfortunately, the legitimate public uproar gives the secret influential factions the power to continue with illegitimate secret struggle for superiority. As a result, the new middle class which is a key player in establishing democracy is faced with transformational crises. Political analysts identify the new middle class individuals as those sandwiched between the few corrupt influential factions and the poorly governed majority of the public. It is important to note that the middle class pushed for the liberalization and democratization of Thailand. However, following the establishment of democracy, the class has found itself in a minority status (Johnston & Baumann, 2007). Whereby, the few peripheral influential are in constant control of the country’s power while the rural middle class and the poor are busy indulged in the development of country. It leaves the new middle class at the pivotal point of demanding the adoption of equality and transparency in governance. As a result, it branded as a class promoting greediness among the poor. The transformational efforts of the new middle class to change the system of governance have not yet yielded any substantial results; rather poor governance continues to prevail in the country which is characterized with high level of bankruptcy (Gainsborough, 2002). The false branding together with the ignorant ruling influential factions has fuelled rage in the new middle class. The rage is characterized with anger and fear for being humiliated by the influential faction and being misunderstood by the poor public. The events leading to the rage in new middle class plays out in a complex manner, whereby, the ruling class has failed to eliminate the patronage system that promotes socially-conceived corruption (Chatterjee, 2008). In other words, the government needs to lower the socially-conceived corruption that is promoted by factors such as societal classes and family relationships. These factors have formed a network that promotes poor governance characterized by poor allocation of resources, nepotism, corruption and unjust judicial system. These factors have consolidated and consequently led to the current state of bankruptcy. Other scientific research findings reveal that these factors are not only the diseases that need immediate diagnosis and treatment, but also they are the DNA of the patronage system (Gerke, 2000). Therefore, these factors have prevented the establishment of a just course of democracy in Thailand. To curb the public scrutiny the influential factions resort to corruption where the non-relatives of the ruling class or rather the public figures are given certain posts in the government to show Thais that the government is on the right course of democracy (Forsyth, 2001). That is why the poor public is blind to the facts and the on-goings in the government. From this context, it is clear that the new middle class was thrown in a distasteful and bitter state. The state is characterized by anger fuelled by both ethical outrage and financial fear (Chen & Lu, 2011). It is an anger that is driven by the necessity of maintaining one’s identity in the transformational vertigo. Moreover, other factors such as globalization and modernization have led to separation in the societal lifestyles, values and identities (Richards, Gelleny & Sacko, 2001). It prompts the questioning of traditional responsibilities of families and genders. As a result, those in pursuit of democracy such as the new middle class are challenging the traditional hierarchy. That is why the new class in Thailand are seen as people challenging the traditional monarchical leadership. They are misunderstood by others as people who pose a threat to the Thais way of life rather than people with an ambition of establishing a fair and free society (Schaffer, 2002). The truth of this explanation is evident from the torching of many shopping malls in downtown Bangkok during the red shirt demonstration crackdown process in 2010. In a nutshell, the view of change as a threat is simply interpreted as an immoral course of action in many Thais (Shatkin, 2004). That is why there is a constant unending struggle for power with an unknown end result of the public concerns. These are not the prospected benefits of democracy according to the people of Thailand. Now the determinant of democracy in Thailand comes back to the new middle class who are at the centre-stage of the power struggles and the public frustrations (Hadiz, 2004). Their strategic action does not only determine the course of democracy, but also influence the expectations of the democracy. The fruition of any of their action is far from being realized due to the prospected violent conflict of power due to the continuous struggles and the fading dream of consolidating democracy. The new middle class needs to come back in the flock rather than being mistakenly secluded (Connors & Hewison, 2008). This implies that the anger and fear of the new middle class needs to be addressed to provide a solution on the appeal on fascism and the entrepreneurial politics. Based on this aspect, it is important design a research study on how the new middle class has influenced the expectations of democracy (Pongsudhirak, 2008). Aims of the study The main aim of this study will be to determine how the new middle class has influenced the expectations of democracy or soft authoritarianism in Thailand. Therefore, the aim of the study leads to the adoption of three specific study objectives. The first objective will be to show that the anger-fuelled new middle class bound by a common goal of establishing modernized equality and transparency (consolidating democracy) is a class brought about by poor governance discourse characterized by uneven development and a strong consolidation of resources in the urban centres of Thailand. It is important to note that the supporting information on this objective is directly linked to the past and present research findings conducted on the political state in Thailand. Furthermore, the objective will depict how the emancipation process that requires the broader new middle class is colonized by few high class individuals. Based on this fact, it is important to note that the influence of new middle class in the democratic course of Thailand is either defined wrongfully and narrowly. The second objective of the study will be to clarify using qualitative survey data of the past and present times on social mobility process of Thailand’s new middle class society and the democratic influences of the class that followed after the being brought about by the poor governance and the need to establish equity and transparency. In other words, this aim of the second objective will be to determine if the emergence of the new middle class is linked to a combination of a restricted upward social advancement of the agricultural sector workforce together with the poor slum dwellings and high rate of unemployment. The patterns produced from this particular objective will be used to determine if the upward movement reflects the urban-rural migration experienced in Thailand during the economic meltdown rather than urban-rural migration experienced in other Asian countries such as Taiwan and South Korea, among others. The focus on these patterns will be in line with their effects on the social consciousness of the new middle class in Thailand. Finally, the new middle class data will be used to show that the upward societal movement is behind the current stratification and definition of Thailand’s three major classes which include the few elite or influential upper classes, the controversial middle class and the poor disoriented population. At this point, the study will discuss the stratification structure of Thailand’s society basing on the state of economic development. It is from this objective that the study will establish the resultant influence of the new middle class on the establishment of democracy in Thailand. In a nutshell, the objectives of the study will be important in the effective and efficient execution of the methodology that the proposal will focus on in the next section. Moreover, the objective will define the prospected significance of the study. Methodology Research strategy This particular research proposal requires complex strategy to gather the opinion of the new middle class on the exact direction of democracy in Thailand. The middle class of Thailand has been given the pivotal role in determining who will benefit between the few greedy and powerful individuals and the majority who are poor (Hadiz, 2003). Since the study narrows down to the effects of the new middle class of Thailand, data will be obtained directly from them. The research aims to collect more qualitative data compared to quantitative form. This is done to ensure that only positive response with significance to the study is collected. During the data collection, the middle class individuals will be given a lot of priority. This is because the current democratic events in Thailand are mostly likely to be determined by the middle class individuals. Like in many Asian countries, the democratic turmoil experienced in Thailand is as a result of weak foundations (Pathmanand, 2008). The old middle class of Thailand only made matters worse in the quest for democratic freedom and the focus has shift to the current new middle class that is emerging. Data collection The research study will make use questionnaires for data collection (qualitative data collection). The questionnaires will be used widely to ensure that quality data is collected. Qualitative method of data collection The collection of data qualitatively entails the collection of first hand information from the participants, in this case, middle class Thais. Middle class Thais will be identified based on the education level, age, and state of income. In this regard, middle class Thais will be individuals aged between 18-35 years, have attained college level education and earning middle class income. Modes of qualitative data collection will include; detailed interviews, use of focus groups and participant observation. The research question to be answered in the study is very sensitive leading to the qualitative data collection to obtain clear information. Interviews A few members of the Thailand middle class community will be randomly sampled. Members who will be sampled for the interview will be a mixture of both middle aged and the old aged group. This is simply because the old aged individuals are well versed with the political and democratic nature of the country while the middle aged individuals will be representing the new middle class and their views on the country’s democracy. Equal number of male and female participants will be registered (Pathmanand, 2008). Focus groups The use of focus groups in data collection uses the same mechanisms similar to the ones employed in interviews. The only difference is that interviews deal with single individuals while in the focus group a number of individuals are interviewed at the same time. The criteria that will be used in forming focus groups will involve mixing both genders of the new middle class. First hand information will be obtained from the middle class members and their views towards democracy analyzed. Participant observation Participant observation is used in collecting information by observing and scrutinizing the behaviours of the participants closely. In this particular study, participant observation will be used to monitor how the chosen individuals will reacting towards the democratic issues raised. Through participant observation, the researcher can be able to analyze and get direct feedback from how one reacts to a particular issue. Other methods of qualitative data collection The research question at hand requires extensive qualitative collection of data to fully answer all the aspects of the research question. Qualitative information collected from interviewing a few individuals cannot be enough to be used in making reasonable conclusions. One effective source of acquiring qualitative information is through the use of newspapers articles (Inglehart & Welzel, 2009). The use of newspapers articles is effective because they cover the views of majority of the population. The use of archival research may also be of great importance given the fact that the research question involves democracy. The struggle for democracy in Thailand began many years back ago. The use of archival information may give an insight of where the current struggle of democracy in the Thailand nation has reached. Both qualitative and other qualitative methods mentioned above are effective in overseeing that data facts are collected rather than rumours. Data analysis Data collection methods applied qualitative methods. Results that will be obtained from the analysis of qualitative data that is collected will be aiming to play a predictor role. The results will be predicting what exactly will happen in the future. To begin the data analysis process, the first process of data analysis will be data cleaning to remove all the errors made during data storage. Errors made during the archival research are cleaned during this stage and the forwarded for a comprehensive data analysis (Jayasuriya & Rodan, 2007). No statistical calculation will be required in the analysis of data simply because the data collected deals with only the views of the middle class individuals concerning democracy in the country (Jayasuriya & Rodan, 2007). After the results are analyzed and future democratic predictions made, the results will be documented and safely stored for any future references purposes. Potential challenges to the project Any research project cannot be complete without any challenges and so is this study. The challenges expected to arise during the research study are mostly associated with data collection. To begin with, different people have different views on the democratic process in the country. The middle class playing a pivotal role is most likely to be divided on the matter (Phongpaichit, & Baker, 2005). Therefore, to come up with a comprehensive report as a researcher is a hard task. Another major obstacle to data collection is the analysis of archival information. The democratic process in Thailand began in the year 1932 and this therefore means that that it is a wide field of study. Analysis of information from back then to the current democratic progress in the country is not a simple step in the collection of information. Linking up the current events and what happened then in Thailand has proven to be tricky to many researchers of political science (Phongpaichit & Baker, 2008). Output and significance In conclusion, this study will contextualize on the largely misunderstood new middle class of Thailand. The results and findings of the research study will aid various societal levels of Thailand in finding a lasting solution to the threat of the new middle class and concentrate on nurturing democracy. For instance, at the government level (the few ruling influential class) the findings of the study will aid in identifying the most appropriate discourse of addressing the fears and the anger of the new middle class. First, it will aid the government to address the concerns of the new middle class not only as a way of calming the public uproar, but also as a way of preventing the looming violent conflict. It is because; the democracy that the new middle class is fighting for seems to be a distant dream. The government cannot isolate the new middle class and brand it negatively this only forces the class to resort to violence as a way of ‘democratically’ expressing their rights. According to the human rights commission, this is not the right channel of expressing certain grievances because more innocent civilians that belong to the middle class and the lower class levels are the ones that suffer from such political indulgences. Second, it will aid the government in luring the new second class in the loop of addressing the democratic and social inequalities that have influenced the class’ anger and fear. In this regard, the study findings will aid in rooting out the secret power struggles that are not only slowing down liberalization, but also suffocating the process of democratization and the establishment of a transparent governance system that provides equality and responsiveness. Finally, the findings will reveal how the new class, as the current determinant of the course of action that the government needs to take, has influenced the expectations of democracy. In return, the government will gain the public’s trust and prevent the looming political struggle. The implications of the research findings will either positively or negatively affect the new middle class. In the context of positivity, the findings will provide contextual information that the new middle class lacks on the aspect of governance in Thailand. From such discovery, the new middle class will opt to rely on social constructs rather than the prospected violent conflicts in settling their frustrations and anger. As a result, the influential class will realize that the push for democracy is not a plot to overthrow the traditional statutes of the country, but as a means of establishing a trustworthy modern society that upholds the rights of a democratic country. Moreover, such undertakings will give a chance for other classes to advance upwardly thereby eliminating poverty, anarchy, corruption and bankruptcy. On the aspect of negativity, the new findings may fuel the new middle class to resort to violence as a means of restoring democracy and making the government to address its concerns. All in all, the new middle class continues to pivotally determine the democratic course in Thailand up to date. References Albritton, R. B., & Bureekul, T. (2008). Developing democracy under a new constitution in Thailand. How East Asians view democracy, 114-38. Carothers, T. (2002). The end of the transition paradigm. Journal of democracy, 13(1), 5-21. Chatterjee, P. (2008). 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International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 28(1), 11-26. Read More