Intervention in Haiti - Literature review Example

Intervention in Haiti In transitional societies, which come into existence, after large scale disasters, various entities get involved in the process of nation and capacity building. Other important features of this process are the promotion of democracy, rule of law and human rights. On several occasions it had been observed that these initiatives led to the strengthening of the extant inequalities in society, whilst generating new inequalities. This undesirable outcome has been rightly attributed to selective recognition, which these practices bring forth. Undoubtedly, these forms of recognition are temporary in nature, and could harm economies that quantify suffering as a component of aid (James, 2010, p. 112). In the past, the poor had been segregated and isolated from society, on the grounds of being undisciplined and difficult to control. This situation changed to an appreciable extent with the onset of the industrial revolution. The latter irrevocably identified the poor as an indispensable source of labour. With this realisation, it became imperative to supervise and manage this vital resource (Module 3: Development: A Cost-Beneficiary Analysis). Consequently, the impoverished were included in the mainstream of society, The poor, after the industrial revolution, were categorised, segregated and measured in a statistical manner. The poor were subjected to regulation by various entities, such as financial institutions and overseers. This was accompanied by a trickling down of power to these lower strata of society. The ostensibly munificent, not to be outdone, commenced various programmes that were aimed at morally improving the poor. Some of these initiatives related to the introduction of schooling, provision of information regarding hygiene and control over their activities on Sundays (Module 3: Development: A Cost-Beneficiary Analysis). In conjunction with the explicit measures to supervise the poor, like policing and incarceration, these measures served to promote educational, health and moral benefits among this class of society. Moreover, this social class benefitted from a newfound discipline, sense of time and social graces. This latter class of initiatives, which can be termed as subtle measures had a more lasting effect on the poor (Module 3: Development: A Cost-Beneficiary Analysis). Thus, knowledge and assistance or aid emerged as novel and effective techniques for controlling the poor, Haiti underwent innumerable atrocities and several misgivings had arisen regarding aid provided by the humanitarian agencies, political insecurity and the unbridled structural violence. This nation faces almost insurmountable challenges in the areas of democracy, human rights and justice. There is every likelihood of the various political and psychosocial rehabilitation measures ending in failure, due to corruption among the entities entrusted with the responsibility to implement these measures, competition and an excess of strife (James, 2010, p. xxii). The natives of Haiti have to be provided with greater employment and economic opportunities. An essential ingredient of this requirement is that irrespective of location or social class, every Haitian should be entitled to avail of these prospects. There is considerable infrastructural and material disparity between the international entities and the Haitian authorities. Nevertheless, the natives should be empowered to the same extent as these international entities and local interveners, with regard to the reconstruction measures in Haiti (James, 2010, p. xxii). The 1990s were witness to some of the worst atrocities in the former Yugoslavia. This generated considerable attention amongst the international community. These atrocities related to ethnic cleansing, which translated into the molestation and impregnation of the Muslim women of Bosnian origin, by men who were Serbians. This iniquity was termed as genocide by rape (James, 2010, p. 109). A similar situation was obtaining in Haiti, where gender specific and sexual violence was practiced against women. This was deemed to have political origins and for quite some time, the world did not pay attention to this malevolent state of affairs. The US government supported the statements made by Haitian officials and others (James, 2010, p. 109). These statements claimed that the reports emerging from Haiti regarding the untold atrocities being committed there were false and malicious. In the year 1994, a large number of scandals transpired, which called into question the commitment of the US towards democracy and human rights. Being unable to suppress these scandals, the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) became the sponsor of the Human Rights Fund project. This project was aimed at proving humanitarian assistance, legal counsel, medical aid, assistance in procuring housing and other assistance to those who had been subjected to human rights abuse (James, 2010, p. 109). In the outskirts of Port – au – Prince, the capital of Haiti, several women’s rights, human rights and international development organisations combined forces with Haitian entities to establish a poor neighbourhood. This place was named Chanm Fanm. This place soon earned the distinction of being a highly populated area (James, 2010, p. 109). Subsequent to and during the 1991 coup in Haiti, its citizens were subjected to unprecedented levels of violence. The travails of these hapless individuals were dismissed as being untrue by the US. A few of the other humanitarian providers were extremely circumspect in their recognition of the terrible events that had taken place in this nation (James, 2010, p. xxii). Considerable difficulty has been envisaged in Haiti, due to the introduction of an audit culture of indicators. However, these problems have seldom arisen from stressing excessively on measurements. On several occasions it had been noticed that humanitarian system was chary of collecting data regarding the violation of civil and political rights in the camps for the internally displaced. In the specific context of violence related to gender, indicator projects like Sphere have maintained a studied silence (Satterthwaite, 2011, p. 82). Prior to its 2011 edition, Sphere had been restricted to just one indicator, which related to gender specific violence. This indicator expected the health service providers to prevent and manage the outcomes of such violence. In the 2011 protection chapter of Sphere, there is reference to gender specific violence (Satterthwaite, 2011, p. 83). All the same, the Sphere is devoid of norms relating to the monitoring of gender specific violence and sexual molestation. The guidance note in Sphere’s 2011 edition stresses on protection from violence and coercion. In this context, the humanitarian agencies are expected to report any serious infringement of rights. In addition, they have to promote the rights of the affected citizens, by interacting with the concerned authorities. In this endeavour, they are at liberty to employ strategies, such as diplomacy, public advocacy and lobbying (Satterthwaite, 2011, p. 83). The reporting of these humanitarian agencies leaves much to be desired. These agencies have displayed a marked reluctance to quantify their findings, with regard to the crime of rape. With regard to other areas, there is a surfeit of data. The camps for the internally displaced have transformed into convenient locations for those who indulge in rape. In fact, the female residents of these camps have become fair game for such despicable attacks. One of the several women’s rights organisations in Haiti ventured to collect data regarding the rape of the female inmates. Its findings were that in as few as 15 of these camps the incidents of rape numbered 230. Moreover, this data related to just the first two months subsequent to the earthquake. The number of these camps is more than a thousand, and hence the number of instances of rape is bound to be very high (Satterthwaite, 2011, p. 83). Humanitarian and development aid is beset with numerous false claims related to injury. This is all the more evident, where such aid is controlled by periodic grant and audit exercises. The various technologies associated with trauma are utilised by individuals and institutions, in order to substantiate and disseminate information regarding suffering (James, 2010, p. 112). The objective behind this exercise is to establish competence in upholding justice, rights and compensations. The disparity in power between those who provide and receive aid is indicated by trauma portfolios that have been fabricated. The various aid providers, in general, have a transient existence. Furthermore, their accountability is limited to donors and stakeholders, who are external to the local realm. Due to this, such entities tend to view the suffering of those who receive aid from them, on a temporary basis (James, 2010, p. 112). Another reason behind this perspective is the limited resources at the disposal of these aid providers. There was a marked reluctance among the various national and international entities to intervene in Haitian affairs. The very connotation of democracy in the Haitian context was called into question, which in turn led to innumerable debates. Moreover there was an absence of consensus, regarding the classification of violence against certain groups as the legitimate abuse of human rights (James, 2010, p. 82). Several disputes arose, regarding the veracity of the statements made by the Haitian victims. This in turn led to allegations of incompetence on the part of those who were actively involved in recording the abuse of human rights. This situation was exacerbated by the proliferation of public scandals relating to interventions in Haiti. One such disclosure related to the alleged training and financing by the US government, of the individuals who had led the 1991 coup (James, 2010, p. 82). In reality, the measures taken by the international community to alleviate the misery of the Haitians have on occasion worsened the situation. For instance, some 4, 500 Haitians fell victim to cholera. This dread disease had been transmitted by UN peacekeepers from Nepal (Swaine, 2011). This incident clearly demonstrates the precise state of affairs in Haiti, subsequent to the intervention of the international community. Although, interventions in Haiti were ostensibly based on compassionate grounds; the rationale behind such intervention was to safeguard the interests of the US in the region. Thus, a military intervention was effected, which was portrayed as being indispensable for precluding the illegitimate regime from perpetuating its reign of terror (James, 2010, p. 83). A callous and bigoted attitude was adopted towards the victims in this country. As a consequence, the representations of victims in Haiti were in general discounted as lies or rumours. A major reason behind this attitude was that these victims were disassociated from the political groups that enjoyed the support of the US government. Thus, it can be surmised that the interventions by the various national and international entities has done little to improve the situation obtaining in Haiti. The principal objective of these individuals and institutions is to promote their vested interests. These measures were uninfluenced by the global development discourse. James’ book contends that most of the problems that the politics of aid attempted to solve had been worsened. The facts vindicate her stance. References James, E. C. (2010). Democratic insecurities: violence, trauma, and intervention in Haiti. University of California Press. James, E. C. (2010). Ruptures, rights, and repair: The political economy of trauma in Haiti. Social Science & Medicine, 70(1), pp. 106 – 113. Module 3: Development: A Cost-Beneficiary Analysis. (n.d.). Satterthwaite, M. L. (2011, May 1). Indicators in Crisis: Rights - Based Humanitarian Indicators in Post - Earthquake Haiti. Indicators in Crisis: Rights - Based Humanitarian Indicators in Post - Earthquake Haiti Paper272. New York, USA: New York University Public Law and Legal Theory Working Papers. Swaine, J. (2011, May 5). Haiti cholera outbreak linked to peacekeepers, UN admits. Retrieved June 7, 2011, from The Telegraph: http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/centralamericaandthecaribbean/haiti/8494066/Haiti-cholera-outbreak-linked-to-peacekeepers-UN-admits.html Read More

This nation faces almost insurmountable challenges in the areas of democracy, human rights and justice. There is every likelihood of the various political and psychosocial rehabilitation measures ending in failure, due to corruption among the entities entrusted with the responsibility to implement these measures, competition and an excess of strife (James, 2010, p. xxii). The natives of Haiti have to be provided with greater employment and economic opportunities. An essential ingredient of this requirement is that irrespective of location or social class, every Haitian should be entitled to avail of these prospects.

There is considerable infrastructural and material disparity between the international entities and the Haitian authorities. Nevertheless, the natives should be empowered to the same extent as these international entities and local interveners, with regard to the reconstruction measures in Haiti (James, 2010, p. xxii). The 1990s were witness to some of the worst atrocities in the former Yugoslavia. This generated considerable attention amongst the international community. These atrocities related to ethnic cleansing, which translated into the molestation and impregnation of the Muslim women of Bosnian origin, by men who were Serbians.

This iniquity was termed as genocide by rape (James, 2010, p. 109). A similar situation was obtaining in Haiti, where gender specific and sexual violence was practiced against women. This was deemed to have political origins and for quite some time, the world did not pay attention to this malevolent state of affairs. The US government supported the statements made by Haitian officials and others (James, 2010, p. 109). These statements claimed that the reports emerging from Haiti regarding the untold atrocities being committed there were false and malicious.

In the year 1994, a large number of scandals transpired, which called into question the commitment of the US towards democracy and human rights. Being unable to suppress these scandals, the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) became the sponsor of the Human Rights Fund project. This project was aimed at proving humanitarian assistance, legal counsel, medical aid, assistance in procuring housing and other assistance to those who had been subjected to human rights abuse (James, 2010, p. 109). In the outskirts of Port – au – Prince, the capital of Haiti, several women’s rights, human rights and international development organisations combined forces with Haitian entities to establish a poor neighbourhood.

This place was named Chanm Fanm. This place soon earned the distinction of being a highly populated area (James, 2010, p. 109). Subsequent to and during the 1991 coup in Haiti, its citizens were subjected to unprecedented levels of violence. The travails of these hapless individuals were dismissed as being untrue by the US. A few of the other humanitarian providers were extremely circumspect in their recognition of the terrible events that had taken place in this nation (James, 2010, p. xxii).

Considerable difficulty has been envisaged in Haiti, due to the introduction of an audit culture of indicators. However, these problems have seldom arisen from stressing excessively on measurements. On several occasions it had been noticed that humanitarian system was chary of collecting data regarding the violation of civil and political rights in the camps for the internally displaced. In the specific context of violence related to gender, indicator projects like Sphere have maintained a studied silence (Satterthwaite, 2011, p. 82). Prior to its 2011 edition, Sphere had been restricted to just one indicator, which related to gender specific violence.

This indicator expected the health service providers to prevent and manage the outcomes of such violence. In the 2011 protection chapter of Sphere, there is reference to gender specific violence (Satterthwaite, 2011, p. 83). All the same, the Sphere is devoid of norms relating to the monitoring of gender specific violence and sexual molestation.

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