The Predicaments of Current Gulf Cooperation Council Power Relations - Research Proposal Example

THE PREDICARMENTS OF CURRENT GCC POWER RELATIONS NAME COURSE DATE Introduction The entirety portrayal of the six member states (United Arab Emirates (UAE), Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Oman, Kuwait, and Bahrain) of Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) is a coherent alliance forged on ideological similarities in political structures, socioeconomic framework, political cultures, and security and threat obsessions. Moreover, there consolidated power originates from the observable fact that GCC countries depend heavily on oil and gas reserves to generate significant financial benefits in all sectors.1 As such, the current power in terms of wealth of GCC countries poses a peculiar question to the scholars and organizations interested in the future prospects of GCC. Therefore, there is a virtual informational gap needed to complement the ideology on how the GCC countries can put the current power to significant use to cement the affluence of the member states in the Persian Gulf region while at the same time counteract the extrinsic and intrinsic threats that can deter the course of the organization’s objectives, especially in the sector of sustainable opulence. Research question As a result, the identifiable focal question for this research proposal is based on the power of wealth portrayed by the GCC countries; as such, are the leaders of the member states capable of adopting and implementing important social, economic and political reforms that do not only enforce justiciable rule of law? Also do they maintain internal stability in relation to the uncertainty of the complex troublesome regional surrounding? Literature review It is documented that in early 1980s prior to the GCC formation, the region around the Persian Gulf experienced paramount developments such as Britain’s withdrawal from the gulf, revolution of the oil price, the invasion of Afghanistan by the then Soviet Union, the war between Iraq and Iran and the renowned Iranian revolution.2 Apart from gaining world recognition, the aftermath of the events prompted the cold war in the region. As such, the Arab states identified the need to take control of their own differences in unison. Although mistrust still existed between the six states, the need to control external threats and prospected internal benefits of an alliance exceeded the nature of mistrust. Therefore, the six states formed the GCC to legitimize the particular state regimes and restore stability and security within the region. The foreign ministers of the six states signed a declaration that officially formed the GCC on 4th February 1981. On 25th May the same year, the supreme leaders of the six states certified the alliance’s constitution with the main objective of fostering cooperation and political unity within the region. It is notable; thereafter, that security concerns and fears of threats are the main factors that forged unity among the six states.3 The other outlined goals act as window-dressers of the real function of the organization. It is because; during tranquil times, differences emerge characterized with political tensions; however, whenever external threats resurface, the six states forgo internal mistrust and engage the enemy as an alliance. It is clear then that the GCC thrives on fear of external security threats and as a result, the countries are more united than ever. The end result is that, over the years the member states have amassed a lot of power in various diverse ways (power scenarios), but all linked to the profits made through the global sales of oil and gas products.4 The power scenarios of the GCC countries as portrayed by recent researches are organized in three main scopes that include oasis, sandstorms and the fertile gulf. The power prospects in the context of oasis focuses on the regional challenges that surround the GCC countries amid the implementation of reformations in different institutions. In this regard, the GCC member states are characterized with coordinated economic and diplomatic policies illuminated via the strong intrinsic market and technocratic leadership.5 Although over-regulation not only impacts GCC’s prosperity, but also lowers the globalization rate, the member states are thriving in an oasis of tranquillity and prosperity in a rather tumultuous region. The scope of sandstorms basically contextualizes the future prospects of the GCC countries. It is based on the fact that the member states currently posses regional powers founded on the sales of oil and gas reserves, but the individual countries are unable to manifest or diverse their power prospects by adopting and implementing viable reforms for various institutions, due to the recurring hindrances arising from the regional instability.6 Research shows that in a depressed environment such as the one that surrounds the Persian Gulf monarchies; institutional reforms always collapse due to the microscopic focus of the government on establishing short-lived stability measures rather than confronting the root cause of intrinsic instability and implementing long-term resolution objectives. The GCC countries are facing similar predicaments, whereby, despite the power propensities of the monarchies coupled with constant pressure from the western countries to adopt rational social, economic and political institutions, the Persian Gulf monarchies are still struggling with cultural and traditional constraints that limit any chances of adopting any reformations. In this regard, the GCC countries are blindfolded in such a way that they are unable to escape from the ‘sandstorms.’ Alternatively, the GCC countries need to rely on their wealth power to identify the potentiality of prosperities (substantial opportunities) for their diverse populations.7 Finally, the fertile gulf power concept contextualizes the power potentials of GCC countries that propelled the countries to their current state such that they are Middle East’s innovative hubs characterized with increase in globalization and high energy demands. The stability formed from the alliance of the countries gives the GCC member states a chance to concentrate on investing immensely on education, advancing human income in all sectors, and pursuing social, economic and social institutional reformations to provide a strong framework for their ever growing economies and societies. When observing the Persian Gulf in ‘the fertile gulf’ power context, the GCC member states are regional representatives of prosperity, however, the GCC countries are yet to come to the knowledge of their power potentiality.8 This means that the GCC countries are not currently using individualistic powers amassed from the vast wealth and the powers forged from the alliance. In reality, if the GCC countries forego self ego and manage to consolidate such powers, the Persian Gulf monarchies can become a major force to reckon in the Middle East that can propagate rationality in the entire region by influencing neighbouring countries to adopt institutions that promote globalization, regional harmony and democratic leadership. Also, such powers can lure countries such as Egypt and Yemen into joining the GCC organization with a sole purpose of growing the prominence of the Middle East countries, creating a diverse network of markets, eliminating the internal instabilities, preventing terrorism threats, attracting foreign investors, increasing advances in research and development, and eliminating cultural constraints. Therefore, all GCC member states posses, if not equal, enough wealth power to diversify their potentiality in all internal and external sectors of the Persian Gulf region.9 As such, research is required to identify the power propensities of the GCC member states that can influence the regional discourse of the Persian Gulf. Justification It is important to note from the literature review that the resolution of the external threats relies on the resolution of the internal threats by the GCC member states. Therefore, it is vital to determine the potential powers of GCC member states that outline the current success of the member states and provide necessary directives in which the GCC countries need to manifest the powers to cement regional prominence, alienate terrorism and lure other countries into joining the objectives of the organization. Therefore, the research is important not only by adding information to the existing body of political science knowledge, but also providing GCC with approaches of manifesting the wealth powers to gain mutual benefits from the alliance, establish regional prominence and resolve internal threats. Objectives The objectives of the research are to describe the relationship of GCC member states; to identify the current power prospects of the GCC countries and to propose actionable recommendations that enhance the power investments of the member states. Methodology Source of data The research will utilize both primary sources and secondary sources. Primary sources will involve interviews with political analysts and professionals in the field of political science. Additionally, to present the basic theoretical and philosophical background for the study, the research will employ referred scholarly writings as well as others secondary sources such as books. In the same context, the research will analyze various basic laws and constitutional ramifications related to GCC. Finally, the research will analyze the reports of relevant institutions sent to organization’s monitoring organs and consider the reports of international organization as well with regards to GCC‘s struggles and continuity. Such analysis will help to answer a number of research questions outlined previously in the introductory part of the proposal. Data Collection Primary data will be collected via open-ended questionnaires. The open-ended questionnaires will give a humble opportunity for the interviewees to provide a thoughtful opinion on GCC based on the scope of their knowledge, previous studies on GCC, current GCC situations and future prospects of the alliance. On the other hand, secondary data will be collected from both libraries and trustworthy online websites, among other sources. The research will use the institutional library to access archived records relating to GCC’s constrains, legislations and treaties. Also, web sources will be used to access documentations that are hard to obtain in printed form such as scholarly online journals and current news on GCC. Data Analysis The analysis of the data collected will be connected to the statistical, normative and theoretical frameworks proposed by the research. The research will present the analyzed data in the column of the main research to portray the researcher’s personal and unbiased analysis of the data collected from all the sources. In this regard, primary data will be analyzed using comparative tables and graphs. After analysis of the collected data, the information obtained will be discussed with respect to the necessity of the research’s objectives. Ethical considerations To ascertain that the study recognizes the existing ethical standards of research papers, I will ensure that the secondary sources referred to are properly recognized by referencing them appropriately. Therefore, the research will be devoid of intended and unintended plagiarism. Conclusive implications As significant as these research questions, the most essential are the comprehensions that can be garnered from putting into consideration what the questions imply. In speculating three probable futures which discourse them in distinct ways, two major themes reliably arise as being critical to the future power manifestations of the GCC countries. First, in the prospects of education and innovation, the GCC countries are faced with challenge that their united oil reserves, while massive, will be short-lived. Also, oil and gas are not constantly a dependable source of wealth; there are numerous occasions whereby the GCC budgets have been faced with deficits and public arrears which originated from falling energy costs. Nevertheless, in the attempt to expand away from the oil, the GCC countries face a common challenge in that the current skill base for the workforce is low according to the global standards; comparatively minimal research, advancement and modernization are taking place in the region. It creates impairment to advancement and aggravates other difficulties linked to both foreign workers and technology. Consequently, the manner in which education dogmas are controlled by GCC governments will be an important factor of the capability to advance as an innovation-based economy that do not necessarily depend on the availability of natural resources. Second, in the prospects of leadership and governance, the GCC countries are governed by conventionally-organized family groups, with distinct core administrative, legislative, and judicial theories. Therefore, headship and supremacy will be contributory in the determination of the track that the GCC countries will take over the coming decades. Though a lot is currently taking place in terms of reforms in the improvement of the effectiveness and candidness of these systems, the stratagems selected and the degree of change is distinct among the GCC countries. In the management of both interior solidity and reforms, headship plays a significant role at all levels of GCC government similarly to the private sector. Bibliography Aras, Bulent, and Rabia Karakaya Polat. "Turkey and the Middle East: frontiers of the new geographic imagination." Australian Journal of International Affairs 61, no. 4 (2007): 471-488. Forstenlechner, Ingo, and Emilie Rutledge. "Unemployment in the Gulf: time to update the “social contract”." Middle East Policy 17, no. 2 (2010): 38-51. Hertog, Steffen. "The GCC and Arab economic integration: a new paradigm." Middle East Policy 14, no. 1 (2007): 52-68. Luciani, Giacomo. "Oil and political economy in the international relations of the Middle East." International relations of the Middle East (2005): 79-104. Rathmell, Andrew, and Kirsten Schulze. "Political reform in the Gulf: The case of Qatar." Middle Eastern Studies 36, no. 4 (2000): 47-62. Read More