A Basic Principle of the International Order Nationalism: Nationalism in Italy - Research Paper Example

 Abstract Nationalism remains one of the most potent forces in international relations. Seeking to explore the history of nationalism through an analysis of the Italian fascist movement and the modern Kurdish responses to statelessness, the following essay analyzes the linkages between nationalism, violence and aggressive political behavior. An analysis of the nationalist roots of fascism in Italy is complemented by an overview of Kurdish terrorism, perpetuated in large part by the PKK against the Turkish state, in its nationalist drive for Kurdish statehood. An overview of these two cases wholeheartedly demonstrates the strength and potency of nationalism in the modern era. Nationalism in International Relations Nationalism is an important force in international relations and has been so for centuries. As a basic principle of the international order, concepts of state sovereignty are intrinsic to our understanding of the world system. Accordingly, the international system is predicated upon the existence of nation-states and nationalism is a belief or sense of identity within the nation. The Treaty of Westphalia established the principle of state sovereignty, another fundamental principle of the international order which established the nation-state as an autonomous political entity. Similar to tribalism or a sense of social kinship, nationalism as a potent political force began in Europe in the late eightieth century and was connected with a decline in overall religiosity, the development of industrialization, Enlightenment thoughts and a concerted effort by political elites to “build states”. By inculcating a sense of nationalist fervor in the citizens of their respective countries, elites have been able to manipulate nationalism for political purposes. Mass mobilization towards a variety of specific causes through an appeal to nationalist sentiment has been used as a political tool for centuries. Although not exclusively a negative force, nationalism remains an important ordering principle of the international system and a force to be reckoned with (Anderson 26). Nationalism can be described as one of the most powerful and important drives in political and social spheres, both historically as well as at present time. Accordingly, many scholars blame the outbreak of both World War One (WWI) and World War Two (WWII) on the destructive forces of nationalism and belligerency following the assassination of the Austrian Archduke Franz Ferdinand one infamous June morning in 1914. For many, the word nationalism is synonymous with war, bloodshed and violence. Seeking to explore the linkages between nationalism and the extremism and oftentimes violence, this essay will discuss the role of nationalism in the modern era with an eye to its potency and multiple roles in the international system. Through an analysis of the role of nationalism in the development of fascism in Italy under the intense tutelage of Benito Mussolini, this essay will discuss nationalism in a historical context. Furthermore, we will explore Kurdish responses to statelessness and nationalism denied and argue that nationalism remains a force to be reckoned with and one of the most powerful forces in international relations today. nationalism and Ethnicity Ethnicity is an incredibly fluid yet salient identity with important ramifications for a people. Often a slippery concept to define, ethnic issues and ideas about ethnicity and race are often highly explosive and problematic. Ethnicity implies certain rights and privileges and ethnic groups have historically competed for territory, resources and recognition. As with many other groups which lack a state of their own, including the Basque, Québecois and the Palestinians, the Kurdish people have fought for centuries to define their community and assert their independent national aspirations. The international system was built upon the notion of ethnic nation-states and many peoples have fought to assert their claim to statehood through a nationalist discourse (Waltz 1979). As has mentioned above, the current international system is based upon the belief that ethnic communities constitute nations. Accordingly, the nation-state is a primarily ordering principle of the international system. Anderson (1983) describes ethnic identity as a creation and national social groups as ‘imagined communities’. Despite these assertions about the social construction ethnicity, there are commonly accepted criteria for what constitutes an ethnic group. First and foremost an ethnic group or community shares a common history, culture and ancestry. Ethnic communities may also seek to define themselves on other ascribed characteristics such as language, religion and/or behavior. Often ethnic groups inhabit the same territory as their co-patriots; accordingly a sense of collective history and collectivity is very important in defining the group (Milton-Edwards, 212-223). NATIONALISM AND ITALIAN FASCISM An authoritarian political movement which evolved during the early half of the twentieth century, fascism was the dominant political ideology in Italy for more than two decades. Championed by the ever charismatic torchbearer of this new and increasingly powerful political movement, Benito Mussolini brought fascism to the forefront of Italian politics through an appeal to nationalism and by tapping into widespread social discontent following World War I. The following will explore the fascist movement and look at the factors which led to its emergence in Italy during the 1920s. The March on Rome was a significant event which effectively legitimized the fascist doctrine with dramatic domestic as well as international ramifications. Once in power, an analysis of the nationalist transformation of Italian society sought by the fascist government will be followed by an overview of how these changes impacted the lives of regular Italians. Finally, overseas expansion and the geopolitical role of Italy under the regime of Benito Mussolini will be discussed in depth. Arguably the most important political movement to grow out of Italy in the twentieth century, fascism arose in response to a variety of domestic and international factors following World War I. Fascism can be defined as a militant political movement which promoted a unique mixture of ideology and organization in an attempt to create a “new type of civilization” (Knox 11). Italian fascism advanced an ideology of extreme nationalism, secular idealism and national rejuvenation. From a tactical and organizational standpoint, this movement employed the use of violence to achieve its aims and rejected parliamentary democracy. Additionally, it drew upon corporatist ideas of harmony through hierarchy and advocated national efficiency. Revolutionary in nature, it sought to transform and renew Italian society though a rejection of egalitarianism and by embracing rigid hierarchical classifications. Created in opposition to socialism, communism, liberal democracy and the egalitarianism espoused by preceding political movements, fascists found fertile ground for their movement in Italy after World War I. Fascism in the Italian context was inherently nationalist, xenophobic and at times, violent (Wellhofer 91). Dissatisfaction on a variety of fronts paved the way for the emergence of the fascist political movement in Italy. From a foreign policy standpoint, many Italians were dissatisfied with the results of the Paris Peace Conference of 1919, a peace treaty which ended the Great War and imposed a negotiated solution on the warring parties. Italians were particularly upset with the decision by the Conference to severe the city of Fiume from Italy proper. Nationalist concerns about the loss of these territories led to widespread Italian dissatisfaction with the results of the Conference of 1919. An irredentist challenged ensued with WWI veteran Gabriele d'Annunzio eventually declaring independence and the Italian Regency of Carnaro. This city now rests within Croatia but the forced annexation of Fiume was seen as an affront to Italian pride following their important contributions to the Allies during World War I (Cirillo 1185-87). Another international impetus for the rise of fascism in Italy was the so-called “Red Menace”, the communist threat to the current political order and the revolutionary appeal of international communism. The fear of communist revolution played into the hands of early fascists who were vocal in their dislike of communism and their rejection of its emphasis on class struggle. Importantly, the Red Menace was also a particular important domestic antecedent for the rise of fascism in Italy (Brustein 662-64). As mentioned above, a rejection of class cleavages and the divisive class ideology of communism gave fascism wide appeal among members of the upper strata of Italian society. A heavily patrimonial society with deep social and economic divisions, Italy was beset by strong social cleavages. Fascism was able to appeal to the aristocracy, the bourgeoisie as well as the working classes in its appeal to a strong and unified Italy (Brustein 662-64). Recent Italian unification as well as the existence of regional cleavages – between northern Italy and southern Italy – played an important role in the growth of fascism. As an ideology, fascism promoted a strong and united Italy and nationalism was an inherent component of the movement. Conflict between church and state and divisions between north and south as well as rich and poor were discounted as being less important than the promotion of Italian pride and a return to Italy’s great Roman past. As a result, the fascist doctrine served to unify all peoples of Italy (Woolf 187-196). Finally, economic crisis following the end of World War I propelled the fascist movement to the center of the Italian political stage. Following World War I, Italy was beset by massive inflation, large-scale unemployment and the inability to reintegrate its soldiers into society. This was coupled with weak political institutions and the inability of the liberal democratic regime to solve economic woes afflicting Italians in the post-War period. Social unrest followed and Benito Mussolini’s Blackshirts stepped in during this period to bring law and order to Italy through an appeal to the nationalist sentiments of the Italian people (Szymanski 399-404). The first fascist government officially came to power in Italy on October 29th, 1922 when King Victor Emmanuel III declared Benito Mussolini the new Prime Minister and asked him to form a government. This followed the March on Rome, a two-day long event featuring Benito Mussolini and his fascist Blackshirts, marching in nationalistic stride towards the Italian capital of Rome. Technically a coup d’état, this event, which began on October 27th ,1922, culminated a day later when up to 40,000 men marched on Rome as part of a display of fascist force. The day before the fascists officially assumed power in Italy, the government attempted to use force to quell the marchers and suppress the fascist marchers. Although the government at the time sought the power to suppress the march, King Victor Emmanuel III refused to support a decree of martial law and fearing civil war, effectively caved into the impressive show of force put forth by the fascists during their March on Rome. The following day, the King asked Benito Mussolini to form a government and appointed him prime minister. Although fascism later claimed revolutionary credentials, at the time that it came to power, it did so through purely constitutional means following established norms dating back to the Statuto Albertino (Keserich 135-36). Nationalist Transformation under Italian Fascism Italian fascists sought a complete transformation of Italy society. Under the watchful eye of Benito Mussolini, the regime embarked upon a revolutionary overhaul of society. Seeking to “destroy the old Italy of decadent liberalism and democracy” (Cannistraro 117), fascism fought to transform the country and give birth to a nation which was “young, virile and new” (Cannistraro 117): a sharp contrast from the society that it set out to replace. Cultural nationalism was an important component of this transformation and culture became an instrument of the state. Actively promoted as an important tenant of the movement, cultural nationalism took many forms and served to give the new revolutionary culture a sense of authenticity. Accordingly, Fascism, like similar movements elsewhere in Europe, sought to give its ideology legitimacy by claiming that its origins lay in an ancient and more glorious national past. The ethos of the Italic race and the traditions of ancient Rome, evoked in the mysticism and ritual surrounding much of fascist public display, provided the regime with the national roots of official culture. It never claimed that history began with fascism, but that fascism was the fulfillment and rebirth of the true spirit and soul of the Italic race, which had found its first and greatest expression in Imperial Rome (Cannistraro 126). Importantly, cultural nationalism during the late 1920s also involved the rejection of foreign influences on Italian life. Restrictions were thus placed upon various forms of foreign media. Censorship was enforced while foreign newspapers, films, magazines, and even music were withdrawn from circulation. Popular American culture, in particular aspects of twentieth-century American culture which glorified the liberal democracy tradition of continental Europe as well as the United States, disappeared in Italy during this period. Accordingly, cultural self-sufficiency was promoted while prohibitions were put in place on things like beauty contests, seen as “expressions of foreign decadence” and the removal of foreign words such as “bar” and “soda parlor” from storefronts and shop windows. Seeking to impose fascist ideals on Italian society, Mussolini’s cultural revolution sought the complete overhaul of Italy through the rejection of foreign influence and the promotion of national myths to encourage a return to Italy’s once glorious past (Cannistraro 126-34).. The fascist government of Benito Mussolini also enacted important changes to the lives of Italians. Although rejecting the class struggle of Bolshevism, Mussolini maintained the stratified nature of Italian society and actually exacerbated it through the implementation of state-corporatist policies which favored business at the expense of workers. Accordingly, workers suffered as trade unions were progressively abolished and minimum wage protections were lost. Women were initially promoted as important actors within the fascist movement but were quickly appropriated and used to further the ideological aims of fascism. Far from emancipating women, fascism actually embodied a sense of conservativism with regards to the role of women and gender in Italian society. Public works projects were highly publicized and were implemented in an attempt to promote Italian self-sufficiency and economic growth. Many of these initiatives though favored the north, the traditional home of the fascist movement. Arguably Mussolini’s most popular achievement was the Lateran Treaty between the Catholic Church and the government of Italy, effectively granting the Vatican statehood and formal political independence. A popular initiative in heavily Catholic Italy, this treaty was welcome by Italians of all stripes (Schmidt 24-49). Nationalism and Italian Overseas Expansion Demographics played an important role in Italy’s decision to turn to overseas expansion in an effort to increase its power. Seeing demographic decline as a threat to his state-building project, Benito Mussolini argued that “democratic potency” was the key ingredient to national pride and Italy’s return to great power status. Threatened by the French and British global colonial empires, Mussolini saw the 40 million strong Italian nation as inherently vulnerable if it did not grow exponentially. Along this line of thought he emphatically stated, “If we diminish in numbers, gentlemen, we will not found an empire, we will [instead] become a colony." (Knox 37). Italy was a latecomer in the so-called “scramble for Africa” and was not particularly adept as an imperial power. Seeking to avenge its loss in the Battle of Adowa, Ethiopia many years ago, Italian possessions included Ethiopia, Somalia, Eritrea and Libya, a territory both geographically and politically important for the fascist government. Albania was also annexed as a protectorate and King Victor Emmanuel was made King of Albania in 1939. Massive immigration to these new territories was promoted and Italy entered World War II with the expectation that it would acquire new lands and compete with the French and British as an imperial power. Unfortunately for Italian imperialists, their loss in World War II lend to the dissolution of the Italian colonial experiment, which ended in 1949 (Knox 37). Fascism was the dominant political movement and ideology of Italy for more than two decades. This authoritarian political movement evolved during a period of widespread dissatisfaction with the status quo following the end of World War I and achieved prominence in Italian politics due to Benito Mussolini’s successful appeal to Italian nationalism and feelings of past injustices. Imbued with this sense of intense nationalism and inherently militaristic, fascism became a force to be reckoned with following Benito Mussolini’s March on Rome. His coup d’état allowed the movement to engage in a complete and revolutionary transformation of Italian society along national and cultural lines. Furthermore, fascist Italy sought a greater geopolitical role for the country and secured overseas colonies in an attempt to recreate the great Roman past which formed an important part of its nationalist myth. Finally, World War II spelled the end of Fascism in Italy as well as its colonial enterprise. KURDISH NATIONALISM As an ethnic minority without a state to call its own, the Kurdish people span four countries of the Middle East and substantial minority Kurdish populations can be found around the world. Although a Kurdish homeland exists and most would argue that the Kurdish people constitute an ethnic group, the Kurds have remained stateless for hundreds of years. Despite demands for statehood the dream of an independent Kurdistan remains less and less likely every day. Seeking to explore the history of the Kurdish people and account for their apparent statelessness, the following will begin by defining the term “national ethnic group” and discern whether or not the Kurds constitute an ethnic group in the traditional sense. Following this we will explore the history of the Kurdish people of the Middle East, the trajectory of Kurdistan and the Kurdish encounter with the Western powers after the fall of the Ottoman Empire. This historical analysis will then discuss Kurdish statelessness in the new Middle East and explore responses to Kurdish statelessness, including terrorism in the name of Kurdistan. Kurdish Statelessness Although originally inhabitants of the Middle East, the Kurdish people now represent a global Diaspora community. Without a state to call their own – an independent Kurdistan – substantial Kurdish communities can be found in Iran, Iraq, Syria and Turkey. According to the CIA World Fact Book, Kurds are substantial minorities in the aforementioned countries, comprising 7% of the total Iranian population, 15-20% of the Iraqi population, 8% in Syria and 5% in Turkey (which accounts for up to 15 million people). In addition to the homes of major Kurdish communities, the Diaspora stretches throughout the Middle East to Central Asia and Europe. This is also a large and growing Kurdish Diaspora in the United States and Canada thus truly signifying a global community. While no substantial and precise figures exist – and no official census takes place – the worldwide Kurdish community is estimated at upwards of 30 million people. Although geographically dispersed, largely in mountainous regions of the Middle East, the national territory inhabited by the Kurds is largely contiguous and Kurdish communities in different states exist side-by-side. In addition to inhabiting a particular geographic space in the Middle East, the Kurdish people also share a common history and a common language (Central Intelligence Agency 2008). The Kurdish language is an Indo-European language derived from the Iranian branch of this language tree. Accordingly, while the most Kurdish people inhabit Arab or Turk-majority states (Iraq, Syria and Turkey), their language is actually Iranian-based, representing a unique linguistic pedigree relative to their neighbors. Islam is a unifying characteristic for many Kurds and the majority are Sunni Muslims. Kurdish history differs from that of the Arab, Turkish and Iranian people and a history of encroachment, displacement and resettlement under the Ottoman period contributes to a sense of collective identity amongst the Kurdish people. Succulently argued more than thirty five years ago, The historical basis of Kurdish nationalist thinking may then perhaps be fairly summed up as follows: The Kurds constitute a single nation which has occupied its present habitat for at least three thousand years. They have outlived the rise and fall of many imperial races: Assyrians, Persians, Greeks, Romans, Arabs, Mongols, Turks. They have their own history, language, and culture. Their country has been unjustly partitioned. But they are the original owners, not strangers to be tolerated as minorities with limited concessions granted at the whim of the usurpers (Edmonds 89). Fall of the Ottoman Empire Although subsumed within the mammoth Ottoman Empire for the better half of four hundred years, nationalism rose amongst the Kurdish people prior to the dissolution of the Empire and a budding sense of nationalist identity gave way to demands for independence and Kurdish statehood. Although the Treaty of Sevres, signed in August 1920 by the delegates of the Allies and the Ottoman Sultan, provided for not only Arab states in the former Ottoman lands of the Hijaz, Syria, but also an Armenian state and an independent Kurdistan in the eastern vilayets of Turkey. Accordingly, this Treaty was never enforced and a Kurdish state was never established. Despite the growing nationalism among the small urban and educated sectors of the vast Kurdish community, most Kurds remained rural, illiterate and beset by tribal concerns. A feudal and patrimonial culture was an overriding feature of the Kurdish existence during the scramble for the remnants of the Ottoman Empire. Scattered throughout the mountainous terrain of the Middle East, largely rural and unfamiliar with international diplomacy and the ways of the western world, the Kurds were unsuccessful in their bid to obtain an independent Kurdistan following the demise of the Ottoman Empire. The largest Kurdish community became part of the new Turkish Republic and although initially welcoming a sense of multi-cultural identity, Turkishness was reinforced and attempts were made to progressively assimilate the Kurdish people in Turkey. Although near universally resisted, Turkey was the new home to more Kurds in the world than anywhere else and the case of Turkey following the collapse of the Ottoman Empire provides an excellent example of the fate of the Kurds throughout the region. Accordingly: For a variety of reasons, then, the new elite did not seek to develop national unity out of diversity--that is, by managing differences and reconciling them--but instead adopted a policy of uniformity and standardization. After 1925, references to the "peoples of Turkey" were abandoned completely. With the exception of Istanbul's non-Muslim citizens (whose minority rights were guaranteed under the Treaty of Lausanne), all citizens of Turkey had to adopt a Turkish identity. Bosnians, Albanians, Georgians, Laze, Circassians and other non-Turkish Muslims living in Turkey accepted Turkishness and became assimilated. By contrast, the Kurds, cut off from the rest of the country by their remote location in the mountainous southeastern regions, divided along tribal lines, and economically dependent on local landed elites, remained largely unaffected by the new regime's policies of assimilation and modernization (Ergil 125). Thus, assimilation and the sometimes suppression of the Kurdish people (as in Iraq during the genocidal Anfal campaign) became a feature of the Kurdish existence in the Middle East. Kurdish Responses to Statelessness Like many ethno-nationalist groups seeking a state of their own, the Kurdish response to statelessness has included a variety of measures. Terrorism has been used as a political tool by insurgent Kurdish groups throughout the Middle East and has largely been unsuccessful in the drive for eventual statehood. Terrorism – and the threat of terror - can have political, social, and economic ramifications. Politically, terror can sow fear, destabilize governments and provoke various forms of retaliatory measures. States of all stripes – including modern liberal democracies – have responded to terrorist threats through the curtailment of civil liberties (United States post 9/11), the imposition of martial law (Canada during the FLQ crisis of 1970) and the wholesale destruction of communities (Iraq’s genocide of the Kurds in Halabja, 1988). Full-scale retaliatory measures, such as that which was practiced at Halabja using chemical weapons (between 3,000 and 5,000 people were killed one March afternoon), often indiscriminately target, kill and maim entire populations. In addition to eliciting violent and often disturbing political responses, terror can also backfire and weaken the cause of the terrorists. The case of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party or PKK best exemplifies this trend (Chaliand 101-240). Established in the 1970s by Abdullah Ocalan, the PKK was created as a militant Kurdish organization founded on Marxist-Leninist principles and actively engaged in the violence to obtain their goals. The most important goal for the PKK was the creation of an independent socialist state in the Kurdish regions of the Middle East – this Kurdish state was said to encompass Turkey, where it was headquartered, Iran, Iraq and Syria. As a militant political organization which engaged in violence to achieve its aims of an autonomous Turkish state, the PKK often indiscriminately targeted both military personnel and civilians. This Marxist-Leninist group began its insurgency in the mountains of Turkey and officially launched its guerilla struggle against the Turkish government in 1984. Due to the violence between the PKK and the Turkish government, thousands of Kurdish villages were destroyed, hundreds of thousands of Kurds have been displaced and more than 37,000 people were killed in the fighting. Distaste for extreme violence, coupled with the fact that the Kurds were largely the victims of PKK excess or Turkish retaliatory measures, led to a decrease in Kurdish support for this militant organization. The final blow to the PKK came in 1999 when its leader, Abdullah Ocalan was captured on the run in Kenya. He has since renounced terrorism and the use of violence to promote Kurdish nationalism (BBC 2008). As the PKK demonstrated, Kurdish responses to statelessness have included terrorism and the resort to extreme violence to achieve their political aims and goals. Concluding Remarks Nationalism remains an important, and oftentimes destructive, force in international relations. As a basic principle of the international order nationalism in responsible for the global division of this planet into ethnically-based nation-states. The Treaty of Westphalia established the precedent for the creation ethnically-based states in Europe during the eighteenth century and set the stage for the emergence of nationalism. Is nationalism necessary a destructive force in the international system? Nationalism need not necessarily be destructive but as the cases above have shown, nationalism, when manipulated by political elites and used for political gain, can in fact be a negative force. As we have shown, nationalism in Italy paved the way for the emergence of the xenophobic and highly nationalist Italian Fascist movement, a political ideology which led to extreme repression and nationalist-infused expansion in Africa. As our analysis has shown, the Kurds remain a stateless people without a nation to call their own. Their particular brand of nationalism and response to international “homelessness” has been terrorism and extreme violence perpetrated in the name of the PKK (Kurdistan Worker’s Party). 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