East Asian Community - Essay Example

East Asian Community Right after the Cold-War is over, the world has witnessed economic regionalization on the rise among neighboring nations whether through political means or as evident in increased intra-states trade. In the 1990s, regionalism comes to an age with the formation of EU (European Union) and NAFTA (North American Free Trade Agreement). These two organizations served as compliment to globalization rather than contradictory to it. Asian nations, particularly the East Asian economies are not exempted from the trend of regionalism. East Asian economic powers are also opting for an East Asian Community. During the ASEAN summit held in Tokyo, Japan, the member nations of the ASEAN made an official proclamation declaring East Asian Community to be a major goal of ASEAN nations including China, Japan, and Korea. And on December 2005, the first East Asian summit will be held in Kuala Lumpur Malaysia. The EAC will comprise China, Japan, Korea, ASEAN nations, additionally India, Australia and New Zealand are also invited to join. The agenda for the first East Asian Summit have to establish yet, so far the parties involved have limited themselves to hoping that EAS will create the basis for an East Asian Community based on "common values" and a "common identity." However, they have yet to define exactly what values and identity they have in mind. Such an approach does not give much reason to believe that East Asia is on the brink of some radical new master plan (Berkofsky 2005). But how will the emergence of East Asian Community mean to U.S. interest in the region How will it affect the U.S.-Asian relationship Is this an anti-American movement The Issues and Insights vol. 5 no.9 "The Emerging East Asian Community: Should Washington be concerned" by Ralph Cossa, Simon Ta, and Lee Chung-min discusses key issues relating to the emerging East Asian Community. Ralph Cossa wrote in the first chapter his argument from an American perspective. He believed that it is still too early to measure U.S. attitude towards East Asian Community since it is not yet properly defined. Even governance within the Asian communities has barely evolved. It is not even clear what East Asia is composed of. Cossa also believes that East Asian Community will have a long way to go, considering the Asian track record in APEC, ASEAN plus 3, and ARF. The ASEAN since 1967, historically been reluctant to delve into security maters, even among its own members, much less with it's extended dialogue partners. The U.S. sees ARF as ineffective also, Taiwan has not been permitted to join and China insertion that internal affairs is not to be an agenda despite their obvious regional implication. The Asian avoidance of internal affair issues also placed some important topics off limits. However, APEC provided the U.S. a good venue for promotion of free trade and fight for terrorism, but ARF remains inserted to talk rather than actually helping. U.S. attitude will depend on how EAC will evolve and how it will interact with Washington. The U.S. will welcome a pro-active ASEAN that emphasize on security cooperation and joint approaches to security challenges. Washington is also wary of China to gain control in shaping the agenda, the role which is played by ASEAN today. Another issue is whether EAC will support or supplement advance broader dialogue or will it used as excused for inaction and any effort to diminish U.S. influence in the region. Will EAC reinforce or dilute counter-terrorism and counter-proliferation is another agenda for the Washington. Moreover, U.S. is interested in the EAC criteria for membership, mission, objectives, and priorities. Cossa also assert that it will be difficult for China, Japan and Korea to sit on one table and no one is sure what to do with North Korea. Simon Tay's argument on the other hand, analyzes the matter from an Asian point of view. His main assertion is that the regionalism sentiment in East Asia is neither an Anit-American movement nor a move to neutrality even though Anti-American sentiment is really on the rise especially on Muslim minority. Tay believes that East Asia's move to regionalism is a natural phenomenon as a counterpoint to globalization. It has risen and thrived in parallel to and not conflict with globalization. EAC is natural, neutral and long overdue for East Asia. As evident in the increased in intra-Asian economic ties and between Asia and US as well. Tay also suggests that the U.S. should accept and understand why it is not invited into the summit and not to veto EAS and the sense of regionalism of Asian communities. Its allies should assure Washington that despite of EAC, the vital relation to US will be accounted for. Such effort to convey the message should be doubled. A hasty declaration of visions, values, and ideas for EAC may unnecessary upset US relation. Tay cited some factors that encourage the regionalism sentiment among East Asian communities; The 1997 Asian financial crisis, many believe that US could and should have done more to help Asia. And the role of IMP and IFI are also brought into question. Criticism on IMF and IFI rebounded on US with suspicion that US set the agenda; The sentiment among Asians that APEC did not respond to Asian financial crisis even APEC was not intended to serve the purpose; The 1997 financial crisis, made the Asian appreciate their interdependence other than on financial matters such as environment, SARS, avian flu, and illegal logging; The sentiment in Asia toward US has parallel changes in many EU countries; the rise of china, most Asian likes to have option of independent policy toward China rather than being aligned to US policies. Both Cossa and Tay argue that East Asian Community will take a long time to be realized. East Asia has a long history of indecision and inaction such in the case of ASEAN plus 3, ARF and APEC. The EAC mission has yet to be defined, as well as its objectives and priorities. The issues about North Korea and Taiwan have to be resolved. The question whether New Zealand and Australia should be included since they are considered as quasi-European nations also has to be considered. Moreover, Tay pointed out that East Asian nations has no strong and history of unity and accepted commonality. Even in ASEAN at 40 years now, national sovereignty tends to be an obstacle to regionalism. East Asia has no precedent in regionalism and only a limited and very recent movement forward in the direction. Both Cossa and Tay also agree that it is premature for the U.S. to be more concerned about the emerging East Asian Community, its current wait and see attitude appears appropriate. The Emerging East Asian Community The East Asian Community will emerge out of necessity. It is a natural phenomenon in conjunction with globalization and not in conflict with it. The rise of East Asian regionalism can be viewed against the backdrop of the structural weakness of APEC and ASEAN. APEC is handicapped by the political and economic diversity of the member states and absence of a benevolent dominant state or group of states to deal with politico-economic crises (Satvajit 2005). US apathy to bail out the crisis affected economies during the Asian Financial Crisis and resumption of financial and military help post 9/11 demonstrated that economic cooperation waxes and wanes with strategic imperatives. Further, the success of the European Union had a domino effect by proving that coordinated multi-national strategies result in better outcomes (Satvajit 2005). Some envision The EAC era of peace among Asian nations. The East Asian Community will have its own single currency and monetary fund. Nations will have lasting financial stability. Moreover, The EAC era will witness the two Korea being united. However, the concrete details of the shape of the proposed EAC and how it might look could take years to emerge, and very little of substance is expected to emerge from upcoming East Asia Summit. The discussion of possible EAC institutions that would be authorized to implement EAC policies, or even legally-binding decisions, have so far not made it onto the agenda (Berkofsky 2005). East Asian community is emerging but its dynamics is very poor. Member countries have to resolve their conflicts first via ARP. EAC will be realized not soon enough. Leaders of 10 ASEAN member countries and three northeastern countries (ASEAN+3) have agreed the establishment of an East Asian Community is a long-term objective. The leaders reaffirmed the role of ASEAN+3 process as the main vehicle for the eventual establishment of an East Asian Community (East Asia 2005). Obstacle to East Asian Community One obstacle to EAC is the East Asia own unique way of decision making. In fact, it took ASEAN three years to set for the East Asian Summit, thanks to the "ASEAN way of diplomacy" of reaching a consensus after all parties involved decide to postpone or ignore all potentially controversial issues. It is unclear if the envisioned EAC will ever go beyond the stage of rhetoric and wishful thinking (Cossa, Tay, and Lee 2005). Moreover, the ASEAN plus 3 will have to face enormous challenges posed by having China, Japan and India all at the same negotiating table-each with their own, often conflicting, agendas (Berkofsky 2005). The North Korean nuclear issue, tensions along the Taiwan Strait, and Japan-China rivalry, Post-September 11 realignment of U.S. strategic posture, the rise of China as a global power and Japan's active move to strengthen its international role might further complicate strategic uncertainty. Mistrust among Korea, China and Japan pose the greatest obstacle to shaping up the regional integration (Chung 2005). Regional economies also have to be sufficiently integrated. Rivalries, questions of sovereignty, and mutual suspicions lingering from history have to be overcome (Severino 1999). Additionally, the strain Sino-Japanese relations, which bears the burden of history, will make or mar the future of an East Asian community. China is skeptical of a repeat of the East Asian Co-prosperity Zone where Japan will dominate due to its currency, if not due to its military might. Japan on the contrary is worried about China's defense spending and its shift from a continental to a maritime power with a blue water navy. Japan's new National Defense Program Outline released in December 2004, has specifically identified China as a threat to its national security. Island disputes between the two countries might also act as a trip wire to push the entire region into crisis (Severino 1999). And most importantly, the main factor in the success or failure of EAC will depends whether or not it will have the blessing of Washington. The U.S. is still one of the wings of the region's economy and has a great deal of influence on it, at least for now. Just as in the case of Dr. Mahathir Mohamad's proposal of an East Asian Economic Caucus (an Asia for Asian only philosophy), in which he foresaw Asians replacing the U.S. economic influence in Asia. Dr. Mahathir's proposal, however, never came to pass because Asian nations allied to Washington were opposed to the any hostile move against U.S. interest. The U.S. has a continued interest in the region and willing to have a seat or at least as an observer status in the proposed EAC. Moreover, The U.S. will continue to have a watchful eye on the developments in the region especially that which would involve China. The agenda on EAS include acceptance of TAC (treaty of amity and cooperation) which requires neutrality and may counter to bilateral defense alliance of US other countries. The US is concern that such independence merely disguises the slip of these Asian states into the orbit of China that they don't trust. No U.S. government whether Democrat or Republican will allow EAC to diminish its influence in the region (Cossa, Tay, and Lee 2005). China is unlikely, however, to have a completely free hand to massage and manipulate the EAC as it sees fit. Officially, Japan is in support of further regional integration in Asia-unless it takes place at the expense of the U.S. (Cossa, Tay, and Lee 2005). Not surprisingly, Tokyo is supporting Washington's bid for observer status at the EAS. The government of Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi has recently made several statements reassuring the U.S. that Japan's bilateral military alliance with it will not lose significance should anything concrete come out of the EAS in December. To make sure that others in Asia, especially China, get the message as well, the U.S. and Japan recently announced they are upgrading the Guidelines for U.S.-Japan Defense Cooperation, implemented in 1997 (Berkofsky 2005). Japan's newly gained military self-confidence, in light of this development, will equip Tokyo to be Washington's "deputy sheriff" in Northeast Asia, much to the chagrin of many Asian countries, among them China and South Korea (Berkofsky 2005). The U.S. role is still vital should the East Asian Community come into realization. The U.S. presence through its allies will provide balance in this highly versatile region. Furthermore, East Asian Community and The U.S. influence can co-existence for the benefit of mankind. Reference Berkofshy, Axel. 2005. China's Asian Ambition. Far Eastern Review, July/Aug. 2005. Cossa, Ralph., Simon Tay, and Lee Chung-Min. Aug. 2005. The Emerging East Asian Community: Should Washington be Concerned Issues and Insights. Honolulu, Hawaii: Pacific Forum GSIS Chung, Sang-ki. 2005. Building a Regional Community of the Northeast Asia: Possibility, Obstacles, and Korea's Role. Speech at IEAS conference room, University of California, Berkely.22 Feb. 2005. "East Asia community tops Long-Term Agenda." 2005. Vietnam News. The National English Language Daily, 01 Dec. 2004. Satvajit, Mohanty. 09 Feb. 2005. East Asia Regionalism: Imperatives and Constraints [on-line]Society for the Study of Peace and Conflict; available from http:// www. sspconline.org/article_details.aspartid=art33.accessed 10 October 2005. Severino, Rodolfo. 1999. An Emerging East Asian Community Reality Or Mirage , address at the regional conference on "Common Currency for East Asia: Dream or Reality." Asian Institute for Development Communication and the Konrad Adenauer Stiftung. Penang.15 Aug. 1999. Read More