Human Rights Organizations in Chile, Uruguay and Argentina - Essay Example

? Human Rights Organizations in Chile, Uruguay, and Argentina Social Movement Social movements have occurred around the world for many different reasons and under various circumstances. The situations that create interest in Chile, Uruguay, and Argentina for the creation of social movements for human rights is the hostile take-over of the countries from one political regime to another (Loveman, 1998). The incoming political power wanted to create subservient citizens and complete obedience through dictatorships and force of military insurgence. The goals of the political hierarchy included fear, obedience, and a totalitarianism society created by torture, arrests, disappearances, killings, and other atrocities. Article/Book Chapter Citation Deciding what is the cause of the social movement often explains the relationship created by community members trying to defend everyone’s rights to a descent existence. A statement by one of the generals posited: “First we will kill all the subversives; then we will kill their collaborators; then their sympathizers; then the indifferent and finally, the timid” (Comision Argentina por los Derechos Humanos, 1997, p. 13). Chile, Uruguay, and Argentina experienced a political shift as government was changed from one political faction to another during the late 1970s and early 1980s (Loveman, 1998). Chile was able to create Human Rights Organizations (HRO) almost immediately because of the Catholic Church affiliation in the country. Uruguay, on the other hand did not have the church as a strong negotiator for the people, as secular and public affiliations were more predominant. The church did not accommodate the HRO movement the same way it had in Chile. Argentina citizens experienced the church’s relationship in a negative light as the church supported the political regime coming into power and turned its back on the citizens who had tithed and supported the religion faithfully. Chile was able to gain financial support from America and Europe to sustain the HRO movement in the country, while Uruguay was not able to create any form of HRO or receive outside financial support. Argentina was able to appeal to Sweden for financial support of the HRO, but had to create the social movement with volunteer citizens, as the church would not help them (Loveman, 1998). Core Argument or Thesis Social movements occur when issues that affect human rights are challenged. Sometimes political issues within a region spawn the occurrences, and other times the repression of people stirs others to become involved. The change of political power in Chile, Uruguay, and Argentina offers a close look at what instigates a social movement in countries where political regime changes trigger inhumane treatment of its citizens (Loveman, 1998). A closer look at how the citizens reacted to such atrocities, who came to their aide, and why some individuals took the risk of death to protest against the government and help fellow citizens will be considered as the argument in this essay. Literature Review Gauding (1991, p. 86) stated that the church in Chile had possessed a strong tie with America and Europe Catholic Churches, where Uruguay did not have the same strong religious support. Respect for the church in Uruguay was non-existent compared to the respect by political individuals with the church in Chile and the vast support provided by other religious affiliations in other parts of the world (Loveman, 1998, p. 501). Uruguay had such thorough crime laws that anyone could be arrested simply for thinking they might commit a crime, or be perceived as thinking about committing a crime by another person within society. At one point, it is estimated that 1 in every 47 individuals in Uruguay spent time in prison, was tortured, beaten, or had their house raided (Loveman, 1998, p. 505). Uruguay had no provisions for anonymously receiving financial support from outside the country, while Chile had numerous ways financial aid could be acquired. One of the reasons that Chile had been successful with the social movement that protected human rights was its powerful Christian Democratic voting force that had governed Chile for four years between 1964 to 1970 and still held the respect of the many individuals involved in the political regime during the coup. Another reason the church had such a strong influence in Chile was the education received by political and professional leaders was sponsored or affiliated to the Catholic church in some way, while the political and professional leaders in Uruguay were educated almost exclusively by public sector universities. Chile did not have the infrastructure already in place like Uruguay to torture or repress the citizens, nor did they have the attitude that totalitarianism was acceptable political governance (Loveman, 1998, p. 504). The church in Argentina was not only unwilling to support human rights organizations, but outwardly supported the political powers of the country (Loveman, 1998, p. 507). Volunteer citizens created any human rights organizations that were established. These individuals believed that through helping other less fortunate individuals, they would be creating a better world for themselves and their progeny. Research Design The use of a qualitative case study, whereby the information collected on three affected countries, Chile, Uraguay, and Argentian, were compared for differences and similarities in the cause of political human repression and social human rights violation, which caused the creation of social movements that opposed the treatment of the citizens in each country. (Loveman, 1998, p. 490) Data Political repression and human rights violations were the main reasons for the social movement in Chile, Uruguay, and Argentina (Loveman, 1998, p. 485). Disappearances occurred regularly during the insurrections throughout the countries of Chile, Uruguay, and Argentina. Family members, relatives, and friends would be taken during the night, tortured, and often murdered to spread terror throughout the region (Brysk, 1994, p. 36). Strict censorship laws banned “thousands of books, songs, and films” throughout the country (Garcia as quoted by Loveman, 1998, p. 513). Amnesty International (1982, p. 1) discussed the assumption that one in every 500 citizens experienced a period of imprisonment. The Lawyers Committee for International Human Rights (1985, p. 52) suggested that numbers were quite a bit lower and possibly as low as 1:47 ratio of citizens experiencing prison, home invasions, beatings, torture, or other repressive actions to maintain subservient domination over the people. It is suggested that certain factions in Argentina tried to create social human rights organizations to help those individuals who were severely repressed or oppressed (Mignone, 1986). The human rights organizations that emerged were not through institutional channels. While Chile acquired help from America and Europe religious groups and Uruguay received no help from any of the religious sects, Argentina secured financial support for human rights organizations from Sweden’s nongovernmental organizations (Gauding, 1991, p. 103). Conclusion Loveman (1998, p. 497) discussed how certain civilians in Chile were dedicated participants in the HROs because of previous commitments in religious, political, and social endeavors, or for moral or personal reasons. The citizens in Uruguay were unable to benefit from any human rights organizations as the church refused to help and the incoming government suppressed any attempt to organize a social movement by creating terror in the citizens of Uruguay. The church outwardly opposed the citizens of Argentina and supported the incoming government, so volunteer individuals, with the support of Sweden created and maintained the HROs in Argentina. References Amnesty International. (1983). “Mental Health Aspects of Political Imprisonment in Uruguay: An Amnesty International Special Briefing.” New York Amnesty International. Brysk, Alison. (1994). The Politics of Human Rights in Argentina: Protest, Change and Democratization. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Comision Argentina por los Derechos Humanos. (1977). Argentina: Proceso al genocidio. Madrid: Elias Querejeta Ediciones. Fruhling, Hugo. (1988). “Organismos no gubermanentales de derechos humanos en el paso del autoritarismo a la democracia en Chile.” P;. 137-165 in Una puerta que se abre, Taller de Cooperacion al Desarrollo. Chile: Imprenta la Union. Garcia, Prudencio. (1995). El drama de la autonomia military. Madrid: Alianza Editorial. Gauding, Anna-Karin. (1991). Es major encender una Iuz que maldecir la oscuridad: Sobre el trabajo de Diakonia por los derechos humanos en America latina. Santiago: Diakonia Lawyers Committee for International Human Rights. (1985). “The Gernerals Give Back Uruguay: A Report on Human Rights.” New York: Lawyers Committee for International Human Rights. Mignone, Emilio F. (1986) 1988. Witness to the Truth: The Domplicity of Church and Dictatorship in Argentina, 1976-1983, translated by Phillip Berryman. Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis Books. Chiapas Instigates Revolution for Democracy Student Name Institution Name Professor’s Name Course Name Date Social Movement Whenever a group of people decide that their liberties are under scrutiny and rules are constraining upon their lives to the point of repression or beyond, social movements arise. Many free-thinking individuals will rebel against inappropriate and unfair actions that are being enforced by government officials or military factions. The repression and oppression of those less fortunate occur daily around the world. It is only when the individual, group, or community has had enough that an uprising occurs. What happens after that depends on the support of others and the determination for a changing outcome. Article/Book Chapter Citation The social movement in Chiapas was spurred on by the repression of peasants who tried to support their culture and families by producing coffee and corn on communal or ejido land. With the change of government in Mexico, the peasants found more restrictions and less allowances to support themselves. One leader in Chiapas addressed the media: Through the image, time loses continuity and consistency to the benefit of the instantaneous sensation; through news, the true reality is always something else; it is over there. I see it but I don't touch it; nor do I think it; unutterable, it disappears in a wink (Octavio, 1994, p. 1). Many people around the world who witnessed this on national broadcasts had to decide if the rebellion was warranted and deserved the support of outsiders, or if the true story was being cropped to state a one-sided story to gain support for the favored group. Core Argument or Thesis The media, in its ability to report the news, allowed for the social movement of the citizens of Chiapas to become a spectacle (Octavio, 1994). Viewers were given the impression that what was happening was simply a play on smoke and mirrors. The reality of the situation entailed the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and the government confiscation of land from peasants. The land was donated to wealthy land owners to provide coffee and corn to America and Canada and obliterate the small land owner completely by increasing the competition. Literature Review The study of the Chiapas rebellion allows researchers to “apply a theory of revolution to an ongoing process and observe some of the socio-political impacts of NAFTA” (Alschuler, n.d.). The argument that large land owners and politicians who favor them are able to oust the small land owner or community worker for higher profits. When the peasants of Chiapas had had enough of the repression and unfair treatment from the political arm of the Mexican government, the repercussion were felt across the region (Octavio, 1994). There are 10 million Indians that speak 42 languages and all have a different culture, traditions, and values that should be respected by the next group. Democracy is sought by each group as they want autonomy to choose their own leaders and prosper like other democratic societies (Fuentes, n. d.). Multiculturalism is inspirational as long as all rights are protected equally. Research Design A qualitative case study allows researchers to observe the actions and progression of a small community to determine the affects brought on by politics and repression. Because the area under scrutiny is only a small part of the South American Peninsula, the affects from any situation may be rippled out to other areas within this region (Octavio, 1994; Alschuler, n. d.). Data One million individuals exist by working cooperatively on communal and ejido land. Communal land is worked by many, while ejido land is worked by individual families. All land is cultivated to grow coffee beans and corn. New cash crops were introduced into Chiapas and were very productive. Soy beans, peanuts, sorghum, and tobacco found prices doubled with the harvest of these cash crops. Larger land owners also started raising bananas, cacao, sugar, meats, and timber, thus increasing profits further (Alschuler, n. d. ). With the increased profits of these new products, the peasants became increasingly angry and started a rebellion. Conditions like loss of credit, drop in prices, increase in output for farming, decrease in exports let to thousands of farmers in Chiapas to abandon production. The passage of a new agrarian law found more peasants upset over land claims that were never settled. Peasants who went to work for large land owners asked for better wages and working conditions. Repression of the peasants became more prominent. The Catholic Diocese of San Cristobal favors support of the peasants. 2000 peasant guerrillas seized police, ranchers, and others and instigated a furious gun battle with government soldiers for 12 days. Conclusion Peasants in Chiapas were willing to fight for their right to live, work, and support their culture and traditions. Those traditions were being repressed by political issues from a change in government and new trading laws with the United States and Canada. By forcing the world to take notice of their predicament, through social media broadcasts, they were able to earn their rights back (Octavio, 1994). References Alschuler, Lawrence R. (n.d.). “The Chiapas Rebellion: An analysis According to the Structural Theory of Revolution.” Retrieved from http://www1.tau.ac.il/eial/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=585&Itemid=233 Fuentes, Carlos. (n.d.). “Return to Mexico: Journeys Back Behind the Mask.” Retrieved from http://www.indians.org/welker/carlosfu.htm Harvey, Neil (1998). The Chiapas Rebellion. Durham, NC: Duke University Press Read More