The Batek of Malaysia - Research Paper Example

? Running head: THE BATEK OF MALAYSIA The Batek of Malaysia First Middle initial and and Number Name July 18, 2011 ? The Batek are an indigenous group of people living in the rainforest of peninsular Malaysia. They are commonly referred to as “Orang Asli” which means “Original People” in Malay and is assumed to be first used by Austronesian-speaking settlers who arrived by boat from the islands of Southeast Asia. The Batek, who currently number about 800 (Center for Orang Asli Concerns, 2008), are foragers and use hunting and gathering as their primary mode of subsistence. They live a nomadic lifestyle and therefore the exact location of their settlements change within the general confines of the area that they inhabit (Bonta, 1993). The Batek language belongs to the so-called Aslian sub-branch of the Mon-Khmer branch of the Austro-Asiatic language family (Lewis, 2009). Until about 1970, the Batek were widespread throughout the region of peninsular Malaysia. However, since then, heavy encroachment for the purposes of logging and farming has resulted in this community being confined to the Taman Negara National Park and the surrounding region (Lye, 2004). In spite of the encroachment and resulting interactions with the surrounding Malays, the Batek have managed to build and maintain a significantly different culture that strays away from the socio-structural norms of their neighbors. The Batek Lifestyle Traditionally, the Batek have lived by hunting and gathered from the forest. Their diet included fruits, leaves, shoots, fish and small game animals like monkeys. However, as a result of encroachment and increased interactions with surrounding Malays, they have started depending on commercial foods items like rice, sugar, tinned sardines, biscuits and tea. One of the social norms of the Batek society is to share the food which they have collected by hunting and gathering. The person who harvests the food gives it to their immediate family first, then the extended family and then the rest of the camp. Sharing their resources with others in the camp is not considered an act of kindness for the Batek, but a moral obligation. Hunting and butchering of animals may at times bring in a large amount of food into the camp. When this happens, the Batek follow a more formal and ritualistic way of dividing the food. For example, if they have caught a monkey, first the members of the hunting party would eat the offal and the tail, because they cook the fastest. Then the cooked meat is divided into parts so that each family in the camp gets some. The portions are adjusted based on the size of the family (Endicott, 1988). The Batek do not believe in hoarding food but freely share it with camp members including those who have not been able to collect any food. However, there are some things that are considered personal property like a man’s blowgun, radios, tobaccos or a woman’s hair comb (Endicott, 1988). Still it is common for them to be lent or even borrowed without the owner’s knowledge. Since the 1960s, the Malaysian Government has encouraged the Batek to live in Pos Lebir and become non-nomadic farmers. However, most Batek are unwilling to settle in Pos Labir because it would mean leaving their nomadic lifestyle and their culture. The Batek do not prefer farming since it involves a heavy investment of time and energy before the results may be enjoyed. However, they prefer to work as daily laborers revealing that they accept changes such that they can maintain the important elements of their culture. Reflecting on this situation, one Batek said, “We Batek are rich if we have a cooking pot, digging stick, bush-knife, lighter, tobacco, salt and fishing pole. Also a man is sad if he doesn’t have a blowpipe. We only want four or five sarongs, we don’t need trousers. If we live here (in Pos Lebir), we need money, if we have money we buy a lot. But if we have no money, no problem, we reject possessions. When we live in the forest, we don't need them. We can dig tubers. If someone doesn’t have food, others give it as in the old days” (Endicott, 2004, p. 302). Previously, encroachment would lead Bateks to remove themselves to the deeper regions of the forest, while taking advantage of the trade opportunities presented by the proximity of the Malays. However, since the 1960s, contact with outsiders has been increasingly the result of government policies and programs. Most of the forest area inhabited by the Batek is being cleared up to develop rubber and palm oil plantations and a portion of this land is also being provided to Malay farmers as part of the Malaysian government’s land development schemes. Political Organization The Batek normally live in camps of seven to ten families and maintain themselves by hunting, gathering, and trading forest products. Each encampment usually has control of the land immediately around it. However, since the Batek do not believe in private land ownership, they consider themselves as the caretaker of the land instead of its owner. Again, since they live a nomadic lifestyle, they usually move to another area after they have used up the wild plant resources in their area (Bonta, 2005). Rivers and streams provide the water for household use and bathing. It also serves as a natural territorial boundary for the Bateks. Therefore, the Batek prefer camping in the vicinity of a river or stream. Overall, the Batek are a peaceful society. There is no leader in the society since all adult members are considered equal. If a conflict arises between any members in the camp, they discuss it privately (Lye, 2004). If it is still not resolved, they present their side of their argument publicly so that other members of the camp may suggest a resolution. If the argument still prevails, both the parties will leave the camp until their tempers cool (Endicott, 1988). Therefore, the Batek have encouraged a structural aversion toward violence while establishing a community void of physical abuse and aggression. The Batek value individual autonomy and nuclear families. They do not consider any one person being superior to another and therefore there is no position of power within their society. The Batek operate in coordination and cooperation with other members of the camp during their foraging and gathering activities. They do not consider leadership as an important role. Although they give preference in decision making to a person who has enough knowledge about that particular thing, they do not consider that person as their leader. The Malaysian Aboriginal Affairs Department has appointed liaisons called headman who serve as a coordinator between the government and the Batek. The liaison is chosen by the government and works to accomplish the goals and objectives of the Malaysian government. However, these liaisons do not have any special influence in the Batek society unless they also happen to be natural leaders (Endicott, 2004). Gender Relations The male-female relation in the Batek society is highly egalitarian. This is primarily due to the fact that both men and women are involved in procuring and sharing food. Batek men normally hunt for food in the forest while their women gather vegetables. However, sometimes they exchange their roles wherein men gather tubers and other plant foods and women sometimes (though rarely) go hunting. The contributions of men and women to the food supply are considered equally important by the Batek. Each individual in the Batek society has direct and equal access to the sharing network that distributes food in a camp. Both men and women engage in collecting and trading rattan, which is one of their main economic activities. When the Batek are willing to join the Government’s schemes, both sexes participate equally in agricultural activities. Anthropologists Kirk and Karen Endicott (2008) have developed a telling ethnography titled ‘The Headman was a Woman’ that reveals the Batek’s notion of gender equality, as well as its functional capacity within the developing world – a notion that far surpasses the often specious equality constructed in much of the Western world. Throughout the ethnography, the Endicotts describe the Batek society wherein neither sex held control over the other or was considered to hold more cultural value than the other. The Endicotts attribute this distinction to at least three factors (Endicott, 2008): 1. The economic independence of its entire people 2. The practices of decentralizing authority and sharing governance and 3. The principle importance of nonviolence Recollecting her experience while staying with the Bateks, Karen Endicott says, “One day during our fieldwork, Kirk and I were sitting there in our tent, and I said to him, ‘I’m not going to have anything to write about, because there doesn’t seem to be much difference between male and female roles.’ And then I realized that was the point – that there actually was no big difference.” Karen Endicott says that from then on she specifically looked for gender-linked behavior, and found very little. She concluded that, “To realize this was an egalitarian society was pretty amazing” (Dartmouth College Office of Public Affairs, 2008). In their ethnography, the Endicotts reveal how the Batek women were found to be economically independent from their male counterparts and were also not subject to male dominance within governing systems. The Endicotts attribute this to the fact that the Batek culture reinforced self-autonomy and only allowed for oversight of one’s children. The egalitarian beliefs of the Batek are also reflected in their marriages wherein Batek men and women choose their own partners on the basis of affection and compatibility. The family functions like an autonomous unit with the husband and wife making joint decisions about food gathering activities and camp movements (Endicott, Kirk, 1979). The Batek men and women live highly integrated lives in the society, often working together and spending their leisure time together. A typical Batek husband and wife tend to be true companions as well as co-workers. However, if the relationship breaks down, either sex may initiate divorce. After a divorce, men and women can manage on their own since they can depend on the camp sharing network for their food supply; men and women can build shelters while others in camp assist with child care. The culture and beliefs of the Batek society reflects the idea that men and women play an equal part in the proper order of the world. Therefore, the egalitarian nature of gender relations in this society is an integral part of Batek life. Beliefs and Values The Batek believe that various superhuman created the earth as a disk of land surrounded by the sea (Endicott, Karen, 1979). They also believe that after creating the mankind on earth, the superpowers separated the Batek from the rest of the people. These super humans are also believed to have created the plants and animals in the forest which meet the needs of the Batek. The Batek therefore ask the super humans for abundant food supply and thank them for sending it. They will also ask the super humans for healing when one of then fall sick. The Batek feel obligated to give when they are asked for something (Endicott, Karen, 1979). Their obligation stems from the belief that if they refuse the request, some supernatural harm will befall the person who refused to give. The offender also runs the risk of evoking the anger of the entire community against himself. One of the beliefs in the Batek society that fosters peacefulness is that the disease ke’oy, which consisting of fever, depression, shortness of breath, and weakness, is caused when someone is angry with another without justification (Bonta, 2005). Although the Batek practice spells which seem to provide some relief, the cure for the disease is for the person who is angry to control his or her feelings so that the victim can recover. As part of the remedy, the person who is angry treats the victim with various folk remedies, tells the victim’s heart to be cool, blows on his or her chest for the cooling effect and grasps and throws away the disease (Bonta, 2005). This belief encourages the Batek to treat each other well, since the people in the camp support the victims while the angry person, who caused the sickness, runs the risk of losing social support and be ostracized. The Batek avoid any kind of interpersonal violence and therefore flee from their enemies instead of fighting them. In order to understand the Batek people’s perspective on the Malay slave raids that lasted until the early 20th century, anthropologist Kirk Endicott (1988) once asked a Batek man, “Why didn’t his ancestors shoot the attackers?” The man was shocked at the very thought of shooting someone and responded, “Because it would kill them.” Violence, coercion, aggressive behavior and physical retribution are unacceptable to the Batek and they would ostracize anyone indulging in these behaviors. Therefore, Batek women and men are free from the threat of physical violence because of these beliefs. The Batek value their family. Batek men and women live highly integrated life as they work and spend their leisure time together. Batek fathers and mothers spend a lot of time cuddling, holding and talking with their infants of either sex (Bonta, 2005). They are very relaxed about discipline. They rarely strike a child or use physical force on them, since their word sakel means both to hit and to kill - a detestable concept to them. Parents discipline their children by warning them about tigers, strangers or the thunder god that punishes people who violate religious prohibitions. Batek children play non-aggressive games and lack competitive games. The Batek value the freedom that comes with their foraging lifestyle wherein they are able to move when they so desire and engage in any number of economic activities. This lifestyle is now being challenged with the increase in logging operations and development schemes that are supported by the Malaysian government. Conclusion In spite of the encroachment and resulting interactions with the surrounding Malays, the Batek have managed to build and maintain a significantly different culture that strays away from the socio-structural norms of their neighbors. Even with receding boundary lines, increasing contact with outsiders and greater access to material goods, the Batek have been able to maintain their lifestyle. The current governmental policies of Malaysia are not very appealing to the Batek and present very limited options to this community Decisions such as subsistence strategies and relocation must not be forcefully implemented on them. Instead they should be given practical economic alternatives and made aware of the benefits of living in integration with the larger Malaysian society. However, if they still desire to continue their hunting and gathering lifestyle in their ancestral territory, they should be allowed to do so. References Bonta, D.Bruce, 1993. Peaceful Peoples: an Annotated Bibliography. Metuchen NJ: Scarecrow. Bonta, D. Bruce, 2005. Peaceful Societies. Encyclopedia of Selected Peaceful Societies: Batek. Retrieved from http://www.peacefulsocieties.org/Society/Batek.html#. Center for Orang Asli Concerns, 2008. Orang Asli Population Statistics. Retrieved from http://www.coac.org.my/codenavia/portals/coacv2/code/main/main_art.php?parentID=11374494101180&artID=11432750280711 Dartmouth College Office of Public Affairs, 2008. Peaceful, egalitarian hunter-gatherers retain traditions despite homeland loss. Retrieved from http://www.dartmouth.edu/~news/ releases/2008/02/26.html Endicott, Karen (1979). Batek Negrito sex roles. M. A. Thesis. The Australian National University. Canberra. Endicott, Kirk (1979). Batek Negrito religion. Oxford: Clarenton Endicott, K., 1988. Property, Power and Conflict Among the Batek of Malaysia. Hunters and gatherers 2: Property Power and Ideology. Endicott, Kirk, 2004. The Batek of peninsular Malaysia. The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Hunters and Gatherers. Kirk and Karen Endicott (2008) The Headman was a Woman: The Gender Egalitarian Batek of Malaysia. Waveland press. Lewis, M. Paul (ed.), 2009. Ethnologue: Languages of the World, Sixteenth edition. Dallas, Tex.: SIL International. Online version: http://www.ethnologue.com/show_lang_family.asp? code=btq Lye, Tuck-Po, 2004. Changing Pathways: Forest Degradation and the Batek of Pahang Malaysia. Lanham, MD: Lexington. Read More