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The relationship between day care and primary caregiving parents working during early childhood is difficult to determine and highly contentious, bundled in as it obviously is with social issues and political battles. Harvey's study is an admirable attempt at shedding some light on these issues, but as is often the case in social sciences, confounding variables make it extremely difficult to tell how valid the study's conclusions are and how generalizable the data might be. Harvey's study examined parental employment, itself a different variable than day care (though obviously highly correlated with it), as it related to children in the National Longitudinal Study of Youth, a major longitudinal survey of youth frequently used by social science researchers.
The study found minimal, though barely statistically significant, influences, but these factors were paradoxical: Working more hours was associated with some cognitive development and academic scores before 9 and 7, respectively, but failed to have an effect afterwards and did not have any effect on behavior problems, compliance or self-esteem. The study also included that early parent employment was beneficial for single mothers or lower-income families due to raised income. Though not strictly a confounding variable, it is important to note that the study assumes the factual world where these women were employed.
While the study compares to similar mothers who aren't employed, the assumption is problematic. Might employment have been the best possible option for these mothers? It is wholly possible that, in a counter-factual world where these particular women weren't working, their children's outcomes would have been the same or worse. One possible confounding variable might be aging and the school system. It's likely that the fact that negative effects stopped after age 9 has to do not with working or not working but with increased independence at that age in the first place.
It makes sense that children from 6 to 9 in school tend to need more help from their parents to grasp basic reading, writing, arithmetic and history skills. It also makes sense that, afterwards, they are more likely to be able to guide their own study, and schools will be providing more resources alongside stricter grading appropriate to their age. Another confounding variable might be the type of work that the mothers had. It is possible that, without a detailed analysis of the exact occupational types, some of the variables were due to either more support available when the children were older or less support available when the children were younger.
Harvey herself mentions a number of confounding variables and factors. First: The studies chose different categorizations for employment, such as 1-20 hrs/21-34 hrs/35+ hrs versus 10-19/20+. Second: Belsky and Eggebeen combined timing, intensity and continuation of their employment indices which may have obscured the impact of the different elements. The conclusion that positive results may be due to income is logical but itself could be confounded by other factors. In our society, employment generates confidence.
It is possible that improvements in behavior and academic achievement could be due to increased self-esteem or social approbation for the parents or the children. And the academic achievement improvement itself might be due to any number of factors: A better breakfast, better self-confidence among peers due to having more income and more status symbols (e.g. better shoes), better preparation or materials (one's own scissors or glue), etc. Confounding variables are omnipresent in social studies, Harvey's study included.
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