Confucianism as a Way of Life - Essay Example

Confucianism: A Way of Life Citizens of the global community, from all countries of the world, respect the ancient and yet extraordinarily relevant wisdom of a man who lived over two and a half millennia ago named Confucius. “By three methods we may learn wisdom,” he said, “First, by reflect, which is noblest; second, by imitation, which is easiest; and third by experience, which is the bitterest”. In modern times, his sayings are widely recognizable for their terseness and keen insights into the fabric of the human condition. It is precisely this forward-looking power that drew so many ordinary people of Ancient China to join the Confucian mission of correcting their nation’s troubles. Confucius saw his mission of restoring proper order to his community as one given to him by the divine. Confucius’ philosophy is one of ethical conduct, and the proper means of achieving what is objectively a good human life. He came to know this through a mandate of Heaven, which he came to understand in his fifties (Puett 2002, 99). Through the ages, however, Confucius’ teachings on morality have become an all-encompassing philosophical doctrine, complete with its own metaphysics, ethics, and political philosophy. The values that Confucians teach purportedly make the doctrine a religion. However, there is a distinction to be made between a religion and a way of life, and Confucianism is essentially the latter. Nevertheless, although it is not a religion, Confucianism provides a blueprint for a good human life, and provides for the creation of a virtuous and just state. Discussing whether Confucianism is a religion or not presupposes knowledge of precisely what a religion is. Nevertheless, providing a concrete explanation of this concept has proven, throughout history, to be quite a challenge. Numerous theorists have put forward often contradictory accounts of religious practices that often do not apply to all “religions”. For instance, the philosopher Alfred North Whitehead defined a religion as what an individual does with his solitariness. In contrast, the founder of sociology, Emil Durkheim, defined religion as essentially social and an expression of social cohesion (Weiner 1988). Given the difficulties inherent in trying to picture just what a religion is, it may be best to perform an analysis of common definitions given to the concept. We can provide an essential definition, which tries to pinpoint some essential characteristic that all religions must have necessarily and sufficiently. We can provide a functional definition, which is less concerned with what religion is than what religion does for individual people or a group of people. Or we can provide a descriptive definition, which describes how religion must appear to the observer. The descriptive type starts at the phenomenon itself, rather than theorizing about essences or functions. From the base level, we can perform analyses that isolate these more abstract elements (Johnson 2004). Each of these approaches has their distinct advantages. However, the advantages of using either a functional or essential account of religion emerge on when looking at religion in general. In cases where one looks at a particular religion specifically, it is perhaps best to turn to a descriptive methodology and look at individual phenomenon before theorizing more abstractly. A descriptive definition can rule out four commonly given criteria for a religion: that it is definable in terms of a morality, of a belief or doctrine, of ritual behavior, or of membership in a group. All of these factors can be found outside of religion as easily as they can be inside. Instead, the descriptive definition of a religion must specify that which is unique to religion and not found to a significant degree elsewhere. One such condition is that religion is a connection (Lyman 1859). Secondly, religion is organized by belief and experience. The rituals and practices of the religion are ultimately conditioned by the established beliefs set down by generations of followers. Thirdly, religion deals with ultimate, absolute power (Johnson 2004). What this means is that it can concern only those things which have supernatural capabilities to affect the current state of affairs in a substantive way. Religion is to be contrasted with a “way of life”, by which we mean the way a person lives in accordance with the values set forth in a specific state of affairs. “Way of life” is often simplified to the technical meaning of lifestyle, a sociological term that refers to the way a person lives (Spaargaren 2000). Lifestyle, being a secular concept, refers to all behaviors that given a certain cultural context make sense. Nevertheless, a “way of life” is not equivalent to a lifestyle. The former term signifies only those behaviors that make sense not only in the context of a particular group or culture, but in response to specific values set forth in that culture. A “way of life” is strongly contingent on these values for its coherence: it makes sense only in terms of these values. The values that Confucianism teaches deal almost exclusively with how the individual relates to other people in his or her community. Two very central concepts in Confucian doctrines are those of li and ren, which loosely refer to ritual and relationship respectively. “Ritual” came to be understood not in the religious sense but more like the Western view of etiquette or propriety. The acts of everyday life, for the Confucian, are rituals: not arbitrary practices in celebration of some deity, but completely necessary tools for the building of a healthy and virtuous society (which is perhaps the most central aim of Confucius’ philosophy). Li, in the Confucian system, refers to the duties which come about because of one’s place relative to others. A major goal of Confucianism’s attempt to build the virtuous society is social harmony: a situation when all people know their respective roles and fulfill them to achieve mutual happiness. Filial piety plays a major role within li, with Confucius’ five relationships specifying the duties of rulers, fathers, husbands, elder brothers, and friends to their subjects, sons, wives, younger brothers, and friends respectively (Confucius n.d.). Ultimately, Confucianism must be classified as a way of life, not as a religion, based on how those terms have been defined. The doctrine is itself a philosophic worldview and a moral code, both of which do not belong in the definition of a religion. Neither does the use of a deity or god belong in the definition of religion, which many Western people view as a necessary condition for any doctrine to be called such. Confucianism cannot be called a religion because it is not a connection in the same sense that a Western religion views the worshipper as “connected” with his god. Confucianism is a way of life by exhibiting those characteristics previously specified as unworthy of being included in the definition of religion: components like a moral philosophy, a highly-detailed picture of humanity, and a global worldview. These things are characteristic of Confucianism insofar as it is a way of life, but cannot be said to serve as necessary and sufficient conditions for it being a “religion” in the sense being spoken of at present. However, differences in Western and Eastern concepts of “religion” may still compel some to ignore this fact, and remain attributing Confucianism to a form of theism (Fingarette 1972). Like a philosophy and unlike a religion, Confucianism also possesses a clear political application, not strictly based on its ethical precepts but on the Mandate of Heaven that Confucius was attempting to restore by speaking his wisdom. The concept of ren (of ritual), when applied to the ruler of the state, has profound importance: if the ruler is deficient in ren, his subjects will be as a result. In an oft-quoted passage, Confucius says, “As is the Ruler, so will be the subjects”. For Confucius, nature determines who has the right to rule, and that if the ruler becomes vicious in his actions, he runs the risk of losing this natural disposition and the respect of his people. Few religions in world history detail such a detailed political theory. As such, we can hardly mistake Confucianism for a religion as opposed to merely a way of life. Another way in which we can see how Confucianism is, at its heart, a way of life and not so much a religious doctrine is by examining a real life, anecdotal account of Confucian values within a Chinese society. In her book “A Daughter of Han: The Autobiography of a Chinese Working Woman”, Ida Pruitt describes her life as a woman in the lower-classes. The narrator, Ning Lao Taitai, begins with her life as a girl in an upper-class family. In her teens, she is taught to cook and clean, typical female gender roles. These gender roles come about as a result of the Confucian society’s values, and the way of life comes about when individuals act on these values. She repeatedly mentions the concept of destiny throughout the work, attributing much of her future that belief. And she mentions destiny at times in the context of women in society, and that a woman’s destiny is often out of her control. These gender roles are shaped by the filial piety taught by Confucius, and adopted during the Han dynasty (which is referenced by the title Daughter of Han). To understand the effect of Confucianism on both ancient and modern China, we should hope to understand the context of its rise and journey to the 21st century. At the end of the 3rh century B.C., ancient China was conquered by the warlord Shi Huangdi, who unified the country under a strong central government. He consolidated his power and embraced a Legalist philosophy in order to destroy his enemies. The harsh Qin rule lasted until 204 when Shi Huangdi died. The Qin dynasty itself fell three years afterward and a huge turning point came. Although China had been unified, the people were tired of the harshness of Legalist rule (Stearns, et al. 2000). This period of recoil from Qin’s proto-totalitarian tactics of ruling his country proved to be a breeding ground for Confucian ideas that put a natural limit on state power through the concept of ren (Ebrey 1999, 63-64). The Han dynasty succeeded the Qin with an emperor who was formerly a peasant. Under the direction of the Shi, the new emperor banned the Legalist philosophy from teaching and use. The Han instituted much friendlier law codes than those of the unjust Qin and Confucianism took center stage as China’s intellectual groundwork. By 124 B.C., the government had constructed a university at which students would have the most effective access to knowledge about music, history, and philosophy (Stearns, et al. 2000). Thus, although the Qin brought China together by force, the Han united it around a new age of culture and civilization. The Han and Confucianism moved China out of an age of barbarism and violence, toward the light of Confucian virtues, knowledge, happiness, and perfection. Nevertheless, the collapse of the Han in 88 B.C., combined with the effects of competing belief systems like Daoism, brought about a severe weakening in Confucianism’s influence. Soon after, Buddhism gained a strong foothold in the now chaotic lands of the once unified China (Stearns, et al. 2000). The post-Qin chaos that attracted so many people to Confucianism was now being seen in the post-Han era: Buddhism and Daoism had elected to fill the void left by the “conservative” Confucian ideals of a bygone age (Ebrey 1999, 102). From this time on, Confucian ideals would be forever changed: they would be supplemented, altered, and fixed into place by Buddhist and Daoist beliefs. So-called “Neo-Confucianism” would eventually emerge from this mixture of competing philosophic worldviews. Interpretations of Confucian philosophy have, during the course of China’s history, justified beliefs that were antithetical to Confucius’ actual teachings. As Daniel Bell (2008) says, “Ever since the Han dynasty (more than 2,000 years ago), Chinese governments have manipulated the most prominent political interpretations for their own purposes” (Bell 2008). For example, Confucian ideals have been integrated with Legalist beliefs. Similarly, interpretations can put the “social harmony” goal of Confucianism in the context of leftist doctrines like socialism. Socialism has been the economic paradigm China was working under for decades, and certain interpretations of Confucius lend credence to the “traditional” Confucius ideals. Knowing this, we see that Confucianism clearly still has effects on the Chinese people. Scholars and politicians are, after all, trying to construct political philosophies and public policies based on traditional Chinese values, even in the face of increasing modernization and capitalism. “Today,” says Bell, “new Confucian leftists such as Gan Yang are calling for the creation of a ‘Confucian socialist republic’” (Bell 2008). However, this political effect does not touch on the traditionally more “religious” aspects of Confucianism: the parts of the doctrine and belief system that individuals use in their daily lives. It would be disingenuous to say that people use Confucianism in the same way that an American would use Christianity. However, there is a clear sense in which modern Chinese do use Confucian teachings as a part of their daily lives. This is because Confucianism is so engrained in their culture that it is an unquestionable influence on the values their civilization is constructed upon. Analogously, Americans have in their way of life many values instilled in it from the Enlightenment philosophy on which it was built in the 18th century. Modern China’s intellectual foundation was laid nearly two millennia ago by Confucius and the political environment in which it could grow to a large-scale philosophic system. Although the Confucian cult of ancient times (which treated Confucius as a god) has disappeared, the effects of the philosophy retain much of their influence by virtue of the society’s structure. For centuries, Confucianism competed with the major philosophical systems of Asia for dominance China. There are clear differences between the three doctrines, which incidentally helps explain how their popularities have waxed and waned through the ages. Buddhism, like Confucianism, offers a complete ethical system by entertaining a discussion on suffering. The Buddhist philosophy bases its percepts on the Four Noble Truths (the causes of suffering) and the Noble Eightfold Path (the solutions to suffering). Clearly, Buddhism might have special appeal to individuals suffering through tremendous chaos and political change when Confucian social order might appeal to the individual when there is relative stability in the state. Buddhism also offers the prospect of transcendence, in contrast to the human flourishing ethic of Confucian teachings. The accomplishment of Nirvana, for the Buddhist, is the extinction of all suffering: an ascetic state of enlightenment. Confucianism is often mistaken for another predominantly East Asian philosophy called Daoism, based on the teachings of Laozi. Daoism, unlike Confucianism, ventures explicitly into the realm of metaphysical philosophy and not just practical theory. The Tao, for Daoists, represents the natural course of nature, or the flow of the universe (Cane 2002, 13). Like the Buddhist concepts of dharma and atman, the Tao is a purely metaphysical concept which can, if applied, form the base of a religious practice. Like Confucianism, however, Daoism introduces the notion of a virtue, de, which represents the active expression of the Tao. Often, these concepts are shared between adherents of Daoism and Confucianism alike. In fact, many aspects of the three religions are very similar in this East Asian context. Even though they were political and religious rivals for centuries, the three have profoundly influenced one another. All three embrace a humanist, perfectionist ethic and a desire to improve societies by improving individual parts. Although Daoism and Buddhism have become more ritualized than Confucianism through time, they remain still ways of life and not real religions (Robinet 1997, 3-4). Despite their deep connection, the general purpose of Confucian ideals differs from their Buddhist and Daoist counterparts. The Confucian desires to find a harmonious place in life, while neither of its successors have an overarching goal. Both Taoism and Confucianism employ rules to achieve de or ren respectively, but the former’s are determined by nature, or the Tao. The latter’s are determined simply by one’s place in a society, and not by any metaphysical mandate. This leads to a divide in their political philosophies: for the Daoist, societies are forces that obstruct one’s one to achieving de and aligning the self with the Tao; for the Buddhist, society is neither inherently evil nor inherently good, although it can become either of these under particular circumstances; for the Confucian, the state helps the individual develop good character and consequently live a good life. Confucianism teaches that there is a place for all individuals in a society, which seems to accord with both the individualism and humanism of Daoism and Buddhism. While being very different in their treatment of the world and man’s place in it, the philosophic doctrines of Buddhism, Confucianism, and Daoism are in essence quite similar in their conclusions. Confucianism, a way of life and not a religion, has profoundly shaped the structure and nature of Chinese civilization. Its practices and rituals have become immortalized in the cultural values it supports as a form of etiquette. Although China has produced a number of Daoist and Buddhist adherents, Confucianism remains the dominant worldview of its people and its paradigmatic way of thinking of mankind and his place in the universe. Confucius’ ancient wisdom continues to find an audience even millennia have passed since his death. The truths he spoke and his followers recorded retain their universal applicability because they cast a light on the human condition itself. Through the course of this essay, we defined a religion, examined Confucianism’s place in history, and its effects on modern China. Although this way of life does not affect the composition of Eastern societies in the same way that Christianity affects the lives of Westerners, it still remains a powerful force in shaping the course of Eastern history. Confucius’ teachings provided an excellent ethical framework, with its useful moral precepts, on which the Han and subsequent dynasties constructed what would become modern China: a developed and prospering modern nation-state that is ready to compete on the world level. At no time in China’s history since the collapse of the Qin is a Confucian philosophic worldview so necessary. Teetering on the edge of dominance, the individuals that comprise China’s vast population need to each recognize their own places in their society and help their nation achieve social harmony. Works Cited Bell, Daniel. Whats Left of Confucianism? July 21, 2008. http://www.policyinnovations.org/ideas/commentary/data/000071 (accessed March 10, 2009). Cane, Eulalio Paul. Harmony: Radical Taoism Gently Applied. New York: Trafford Publishing, 2002. Confucius. "Xiao Jing." Chinese Text Project. http://chinese.dsturgeon.net/text.pl?node=20992&if=en (accessed March 2009). Ebrey, Patricia Buckley. The Cambridge Illustrated History of China. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999. Fingarette, Herbert. Confucius: The Secular As Sacred. New York: HarperCollins Publishers, Inc., 1972. Johnson, Luke Timothy. The Creed: What Christians Believe and Why it Matters. New York: Image, 2004. Lyman, S. P. The public and private life of Daniel Webster. London: J. W. Bradley, 1859. Pruitt, Ida. A Daughter of Han: The Autobiography of a Chinese Working Woman. 1st Edition. Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University Press, 1945. Puett, Michael J. To Become a God: Cosmology, Sacrifice, and Self-Divinization in Early China. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2002. Robinet, Isabelle. Taoism: Growth of a Religion. Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University Press, 1997. Spaargaren, G., and B. VanVliet. "Lifestyles, Consumption and the Environment: The Ecological Modernisation of Domestic Consumption." Environmental Politics 9:1, 2000: 50-75. Stearns, Peter N., Michael Adas, Stuart B. Schwartz, and Marc Jason. World Civilizations. New York: Addison-Wesley Educational Publishers, Inc., 2000. Weiner, J. F. "Durkheim and the Papuan Male Cult: Whiteheads Views on Social Structure and Ritual in New Guinea." American Ethnologist 15:3, 1988: 567-573. Read More