The Pitfalls of National Consciousness - Essay Example

An Essay Regarding "The Pitfalls of National Consciousness" Introduction Colonization has been a major part of the world’s history. Almost all the primary actors in the international community have experienced colonial invasion by yielding a small portion of their exercise of sovereignty. This is once considered as an outbreak in societies with poor political and economic governance. Consequently, some states were successfully occupied and became colonies while few were able to withstand and fight the outsider’s military force while rehabilitating their political system. Likewise, along with the idea of rehabilitation is the idea of gaining back one’s national identity. This national consciousness is perceived as the key to true liberation although some were not convinced because of its actual pitfalls like what happened in Africa. In other words, the formation of liberation movements is not seen as an effective remedy to battle the aftermaths of the colonization period. Gaining National Identity Amidst Colonization Post-colonialism writers have significantly explained and offered various ideas regarding the proper ways of gaining back national identity while preventing the continuous unnoticeable acts of colonization. In relation, the book entitled The Wretched of the Earth by Frantz Fanon clearly elaborated these methods (Magaisa). A chapter regarding “The Pitfalls of National Consciousness” mainly tackled on the aftermaths of the colonial period during which liberation movements for national identity were rampant. Comprehensively, the book presented theories why the African anti-colonial liberation movements emerged after their independence. Frantz Fanon declared that these parties have contributed to the degeneration and destruction of their identity politics rather than gaining back their true independence. The author introduced the chapter with a statement pointing out the relation between colonialism and nationalism. He said that “the battle against colonialism does not run straight away along the lines of nationalism” (Fanon 148). Fanon further stressed that the “social and intellectual incapability of the educated class, the absence of unified mass effort, the unprecedented laxity and timidity at the crucial struggling stage of liberation will result to disastrous misfortune” (148) . Likewise, he defined national consciousness as the “all-embracing crystallization of the innermost hopes of the whole people and the immediate and most obvious result of mobilization” (Fanon 148). Specific Manifestations and Consequences of Degeneration In articulating the effects of colonization to the society, Fanon contended that some interest groups are harmful and destructive to the identity restoration process instead of being the supporting block. Nevertheless, he mentioned that the unpreparedness and the under-developed state of countries contributed to this development. Degeneration is viable in the minority “university and merchant classes” which are engaged in commerce and agriculture (Fanon 149). Such national middle class of the under-developed countries is not engaged in production but instead served as an intermediary in the enduring implementation of colonial mentalities to its members. Moreover, when such parties are asked about their political and economic program, they are incapable of answering because of blatant and palpable ignorance (Fanon 152-153). Fanon clearly highlighted the fact that the parties’ knowledge on economy is largely limited to books and their colonial past. In lieu of this, the parties are actually continuing to employ the colonizers residual ideas instead of generating new methods of production. As a consequence, the post-colonial movements are actually instituting and practicing the initiatives that the colonizers have taught them. It can be inferred then that they are basically making the colonized efforts live again and uprooted from oblivion. As a matter of fact, their economic strategies are founded on implemented bourgeoisie belief during the colonial period. Fanon contended that “the national middle class did not follow the correct and just path of liberation but instead accepted the anti-national traditional bourgeoisie which he described as stupidly, contemptibly, cynically bourgeois” (qtd. in Tweedie). Post-Colonial Politics and the Rise of National Bourgeoisies Fanon described the political arena in post-colonial societies as inherently weak because of the failure to rationalize popular action based on experience and the constant unfounded clamor for change. In short, he advised every post-colonized society to be vigilant in choosing means to battle against colonial mentality. This is practically based on the reason that it is hard to delineate the boundary between colonialism and the new society. Moreover, he stated that some movements aiming for national independence are actually generating again the colonizers way of governance. However, he admitted that this effort is essentially normal for invaded territories with newly gained freedom. Consequently, individuals opt to be under a leadership that can survive the colonial forces and continue to pursue their ideals. Furthermore, he cited that people who are active after independence can be classified as the national middle class or the national bourgeoisie. These are the individuals who belong to the educated class, well employed and have enough wealth as distinguished from the aristocrats. For this reason, Frantz Fanon alleged that it is the "national bourgeoisies" of post-colonial states who are responsible for the process of degeneration and gain profit together with their foreign allies (qtd. in Tweedie). This is recognizing the fact that it is the national middle class who are actually running the society unnoticing that what they are exemplifying are still the colonizer’s way of governance. The national middle class also formed allies with other societies that actually gave the foreign elements the gateway to instill their ideologies and at the end deteriorate the liberation effort of the former. The national middle class is clearly at a great disadvantage in this form of coalition but Fanon asserted that it is their fate since they decided making allies before being sufficiently equipped with tactics for unexpected effects. As a result, the subordinate members of the national middle believed that nationalization is merely the transfer of authority and undue advantages from the colonizers to the colonized (Fanon, qtd. in Tweedie). This clearly did not help the national middle class in gathering support but instead contributed to the permeation as well as the solidification of foreign cultures and traditions that led to the destruction of the liberation effort in that same society. Fanon is somehow correct to some extent in going against the formation of the national middle class because allowing foreign elements to enter into a political system can be critical and suicidal if the society does not have the proper and strong resource to resist the alien residues that can be left unseen after the permeation process. As a post-colonialist writer, Fanon offered that blocking the advent of the national bourgeoisie through “the combined effort of the masses led by a party and of intellectuals who are highly conscious and armed with revolutionary principles” is the solution to finding the true identity of a society after colonization (qtd. in Tweedie). He continued that national consciousness lies in the whole sovereign people. Nonetheless, he said that a state must primarily unify its whole sector if it truly wants to achieve the highest degree of development (Fanon, qtd. in Tweedie). In other words, Fanon pointed us to the inevitable truth that the national bourgeoisie is the main contending factor of the continuing struggle for complete and true national consciousness just like in Africa. He highlighted that the ideal national consciousness can only be achieved if it is done through a mass effort with radical reforms. Conclusion It can be said that Frantz Fanon’s theories on post-colonialism are so ambitious yet brilliant. It is ambitious in the sense that his suggested ways of governance has not been practiced in reality by any of the states in the globe and brilliant because of his unique and original thinking about colonialism which is truly different from other authors. His unique definition of colonialism serves as a guiding principle to some writers and leaders in the field of politics. His revolutionary ideas are understandable since only the masses have the power to overthrow an organized class of people such as the national middle class in Africa. It is indeed true that the presence of this national middle class is the hindrance to true liberation because national consciousness can only be realized by the nationals and the nationals alone. To some extent, his analysis is somehow correct because it focused on mass power as the key to restore national identity and destroy forms of colonization. Works Cited Fanon, Frantz. The Wretched of the Earth: The Pitfalls of National Consciousness. Trans. Dominic Tweedie. Marxists.org. Marxists.org, n.d. Web. 7 Dec. 2009. ---. The Wretched of the Earth. Pref. Jean-Paul Sartre. Paris: Presence Africaine, 1963. Print. Magaisa, Alex. “Beware the Curse of Power, Mr. Minister.” Newzimbabwe. Newzimbabwe, 9 Apr. 2009. Web. 8 Dec. 2009. Read More