Sexual Orientation - Essay Example

Human Sexuality Debate Like families headed by heterosexual parents, lesbian and gay parents and their children are a diverse group. Unlike heterosexual parents and their children, however, lesbian and gay parents and their children are often subject to prejudice because of sexual orientation that turns judges, legislators, professionals, and the public against them (Falk, 1989; Editors of the Harvard Law Review, 1990). As with all socially stigmatized groups, the beliefs held generally in society about lesbians and gay men are often not based in personal experience, but are instead culturally transmitted (Herek, 1991). The results of existing research comparing gay and lesbian parents to heterosexual parents and children of gay or lesbian parents to children of heterosexual parents are quite uniform: common stereotypes are not supported by the data. Researchers estimate that the total number of children nationwide living with at least one gay parent ranges from six to 14 million. So far only one state, Florida, totally bans gay adoption. Nine states allow for openly gay and lesbian couples to adopt jointly: California, Massachusetts, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, Ohio, Vermont, Washington, Wisconsin, plus Washington, D.C. It is more common for one partner to adopt and then for the second to apply as the second parent, or co-parent. Second parent adoption creates a second legally recognized parent for the adoptive children. This is the only way for gay couples to both become legal parents of their children. Second parent adoptions have been granted by the courts in twenty-one states as well as D.C. These states include - Alabama, Alaska, Minnesota, Nevada, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Texas, Vermont, and Washington. In general, state agencies and courts now apply a "best interest of the child" standard to decide these cases. Under this approach, a persons sexual orientation cannot be the basis for ending or limiting parent-child relationships unless it is demonstrated that it causes harm to a child. Today social workers must make a difficult decision: should a gay couple be permitted to adopt? In fact, gay men and lesbians have always adopted, though in the past they usually hid their sexual orientation. Today, as they have become more visible in all aspects of society, they are determined to be considered seriously as potential adoptive parents. Having children often puts people in contact with many institutions. The alternative to being out and honest for gay parents is to lie or avoid the topic. However, the school administrators will not release a sick child to a "friend", and physicians cannot recognize the medical requests of a "roommate". The situation could be much worse for a child, if his or her “legal” parent dies – then, the other parent, who has no legal parental rights, is unable to do anything to help the child (Curry, Clifford, & Hertz, 2005). One belief that often underlies both judicial decision-making in custody litigation and public policies governing foster care and adoption has been the belief that lesbians and gay men are not fit to be parents. In particular, courts have sometimes assumed that gay men and lesbians are mentally ill, that lesbians are less maternal than heterosexual women, and that lesbians and gay mens relationships with sexual partners leave little time for ongoing parent-child interactions (Editors of the Harvard Law Review, 1990). Results of research to date have failed to confirm any of these beliefs (Falk, 1989; Patterson, 1994, 1995, 1996). The psychiatric, psychological, and social-work professions do not consider homosexual orientation to be a mental disorder. More than 25 years ago, the American Psychiatric Association removed "homosexuality" from its list of mental disorders, stating that "homosexuality per se implies no impairment in judgment, stability, reliability, or general social or vocational capabilities" (American Psychiatric Association, 1980). The American Psychological Association and The National Association of Social Workers have a similar policy (American Psychological Association, 1975; National Association of Social Workers, 1994). However, homosexuality is still considered sinful and immoral to many in this country — a belief probably learned in childhood and supported by fundamentalist and orthodox religious groups and conservative family life organizations. Beliefs that gay and lesbian adults are not fit parents have no empirical foundation (Falk, 1989; Patterson, 1996). Lesbian and heterosexual women have not been found to differ markedly either in their overall mental health or in their approaches to child rearing (Kweskin & Cook, 1982; Thompson, McCandless, & Strickland, 1971), nor have lesbians romantic and sexual relationships with other women been found to detract from their ability to care for their children (Pagelow, 1980). Evidence suggests that lesbian couples who are parenting together tend to divide household and family labor relatively evenly (Patterson, 1995) and to report satisfaction with their couple relationships (Patterson, 1995). Research on gay fathers has similarly found no reason to believe them unfit as parents (Bozett, 1980, 1989). Concerns that children of gay or lesbian parents are more likely than children of heterosexual parents to be sexually abused have also been addressed. Results of work in this area reveal that the great majority of adults who perpetrate sexual abuse are male; sexual abuse of children by adult women is extremely rare (Sarafino, 1979). Moreover, the overwhelming majority of child sexual abuse cases involve an adult male abusing a young female (Jones & MacFarlane, 1980). There is no connection between homosexuality and pedophilia. All of the legitimate scientific evidence shows that sexual orientation, whether heterosexual or homosexual, is an adult sexual attraction to others. Pedophilia, on the other hand, is an adult sexual attraction to children. Ninety percent of child abuse is committed by heterosexual men. In one study of 269 cases of child sexual abuse, only two offenders were gay or lesbian. Of the cases studied involving molestation of a boy by a man, 74 percent of the men were or had been in a heterosexual relationship with the boys mother or another female relative (Curry, Clifford, & Hertz, 2005). Fears that children in custody of gay or lesbian parents might be at heightened risk for sexual abuse are thus without basis in the research literature. In addition to judicial concerns about gay and lesbian parents themselves, courts have voiced three major kinds of fears about effects of lesbian or gay parents on children. The first general concern is that development of sexual identity will be impaired among children of lesbian or gay parents ­ for instance, that children brought up by gay fathers or lesbian mothers will show disturbances in gender identity and/or in gender role behavior (Falk, 1989). It has also been suggested that children brought up by lesbian mothers or gay fathers will themselves become gay or lesbian (Falk, 1989; Kleber et al., 1986). A second category of concerns involves aspects of childrens personal development other than sexual identity (Falk, 1989; Editors of the Harvard Law Review, 1990; Kleber et al., 1986). For example, courts have expressed fears that children in the custody of gay or lesbian parents will be more vulnerable to mental breakdown, will exhibit more adjustment difficulties and behavior problems, and will be less psychologically healthy than children growing up in homes with heterosexual parents. A third category of specific fears expressed by the courts is that children of lesbian and gay parents may experience difficulties in social relationships (Editors of the Harvard Law Review, 1990; Falk, 1989). For example, judges have repeatedly expressed concern that children living with lesbian mothers may be stigmatized, teased, or otherwise traumatized by peers. Another common fear is that children living with gay or lesbian parents may be more likely to be sexually abused by the parent or by the parents friends or acquaintances. There are three aspects of sexual identity: gender identity, which concerns a persons self-identification as male or female; gender-role behavior, which concerns the extent to which a persons activities, occupations, and the like are regarded by the culture as masculine, feminine, or both; the last aspect, sexual orientation refers to a persons choice of sexual partners — heterosexual, homosexual, or bisexual (Money & Earhardt, 1972). So, firstly, in studies of children ranging in age from 5 to 14, results of projective testing and related interview procedures have revealed normal development of gender identity among children of lesbian mothers (Kirkpatrick, Smith, & Roy, 1981). More direct assessment techniques to assess gender identity have been used by Golombok, Spencer, and Rutter (1983) with the same result; all children in this study reported that they were happy with their gender, and that they had no wish to be a member of the opposite sex. There was no evidence in any of the studies of gender identity difficulties among children of lesbian mothers. Secondly, a number of studies have examined gender-role behavior among the offspring of lesbian mothers (Golombok et al., 1983; Kirkpatrick et al., 1981; Patterson, 1994). These studies reported that such behavior among children of lesbian mothers fell within typical limits for conventional sex roles. For instance, Kirkpatrick and her colleagues (1981) found no differences between children of lesbian versus heterosexual mothers in toy preferences, activities, interests, or occupational choices. Sex role behavior of children was also assessed by Green and his colleagues (1986). In interviews with the children, no differences between 56 children of lesbian and 48 children of heterosexual mothers were found with respect to favorite television programs, favorite television characters, or favorite games or toys. There was some indication in interviews with children themselves that the offspring of lesbian mothers had less sex-typed preferences for activities at school and in their neighborhoods than did children of heterosexual mothers. Consistent with this result, lesbian mothers were also more likely than heterosexual mothers to report that their daughters often participated in rough-and-tumble play or occasionally played with "masculine" toys such as trucks or guns; however, they reported no differences in these areas for sons. Lesbian mothers were no more or less likely than heterosexual mothers to report that their children often played with "feminine" toys such as dolls. In both family types, however, childrens sex-role behavior was seen as falling within normal limits. A number of investigators have also studied a third component of sexual identity: sexual orientation (Bozett, 1980, 1982, 1987, 1989; Gottman, 1990; Golombok et al., 1983; Huggins, 1989). In all studies, the great majority of offspring of both gay fathers and lesbian mothers described themselves as heterosexual. Taken together, the data do not suggest elevated rates of homosexuality among the offspring of lesbian or gay parents. For instance, Huggins (1989) interviewed 36 teenagers, half of whom were offspring of lesbian mothers and half of heterosexual mothers. No children of lesbian mothers identified themselves as lesbian or gay, but one child of a heterosexual mother did; this difference was not statistically significant. In another study, Bailey and his colleagues (1995) studied adult sons of gay fathers and found more than 90% of the sons to be heterosexual. Because the heterosexual and nonheterosexual sons did not differ in the length of time they had resided with their fathers, the effects of the exposure to the fathers sexual orientation on the sons sexual orientation must have been either very small or nonexistent. Studies of other aspects of personal development among children of gay and lesbian parents have assessed a broad array of characteristics. Among these have been separation-individuation, psychiatric evaluations, assessments of behavior problems, personality, self-concept, locus of control, moral judgment, and intelligence (Golombok et al., 1983; Gottman, 1990; Green, 1978; Green et al., 1986; Huggins, 1989; Kirkpatrick et al., 1981; Patterson, 1994). Research has shown that concerns about difficulties in personal development in these areas among children of lesbian mothers are unwarranted. As was the case for sexual identity, studies of these other aspects of personal development have revealed no major differences between children of lesbian versus heterosexual mothers. One statistically significant difference in self-concept emerged in Pattersons (1994a) study: children of lesbian mothers reported greater symptoms of stress but also a greater overall sense of well-being than did children in a comparison group of heterosexual families. The responses of both groups were, however, within a normal range (Patterson, 1994). Overall, the belief that children of gay and lesbian parents suffer deficits in personal development has no empirical foundation. Studies assessing potential differences between children of gay and lesbian versus heterosexual parents have sometimes included assessments of childrens social relationships. Research on peer relations among children of lesbian mothers has been reported by Golombok and her colleagues (1983), Green (1978), and by Green and his colleagues (1986). Reports by both parents and children suggest normal development of peer relationships. For example, as would be expected, most school-aged children reported same-sex best friends and predominantly same-sex peer groups (Golombok et al., 1983; Green, 1978). The quality of childrens peer relations was described, on average, in positive terms by researchers (Golombok et al., 1983) as well as by lesbian mothers and their children (Green et al., 1986). Studies of relationships with adults among the offspring of lesbian and gay parents have also yielded a generally positive picture (Golombok et al., 1983; Harris & Turner, 1985/86; Kirkpatrick et al., 1981). For example, Golombok and her colleagues (1983) found that children of divorced lesbian mothers were more likely to have had recent contact with their fathers than were children of divorced heterosexual mothers. Another study, however, found no differences in this regard (Kirkpatrick et al., 1981). Harris and Turner (1985/86) studied the offspring of gay fathers as well as those of lesbian mothers; parent-child relationships were described in positive terms by parents in their sample. One significant difference between lesbian and gay parents, on the one hand, and heterosexual parents, on the other, was that heterosexual parents were more likely to say that their childrens visits with the other parent presented problems for them (Harris & Turner, 1985/86). In the Golombok et al. (1983) study, childrens contacts with adult friends of their lesbian mothers were also assessed. All of the children were reported to have contact with adult friends of their mothers, and the majority of lesbian mothers reported that their adult friends were a mixture of homosexual and heterosexual adults. The American Academy of Pediatrics issued the statement in support of gay and lesbian parenting and called for equal access to co-parenting and second-parent adoption rights for gay and lesbian parents in February 2002. Other organizations issued similar policy statements: North American Council on Adoptable Children (1998), National Association of Social Workers (2002), National Adoption Center (1998), Child Welfare League of America (1988), American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry (1999), American Academy of Family Physicians (2002), American Psychological Association (1976 and 2004), American Psychoanalytic Association (2002), American Psychiatric Association (2002 and 1997), American Bar Association (2003, 1999 and 1995), American Medical Association (2004), Voice for Adoption (2006) (Human Rights Campaign Foundation, 2006). Summary. Overall, then, results of research to date suggest that children of lesbian and gay parents have normal relationships with peers and that their relationships with adults of both sexes are also satisfactory. The picture of lesbian mothers children that emerges from results of existing research is thus one of general engagement in social life with peers, with fathers, and with mothers adult friends — both male and female, both heterosexual and homosexual. On the basis of existing research findings, one should say that fears about children of lesbians and gay men being sexually abused by adults, ostracized by peers, or isolated in single-sex lesbian or gay communities are unfounded. Reference list 1. American Psychiatric Association. (1980). Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (3rd ed.). Washington, DC. 2. American Psychological Association. (1975). Minutes of the Annual Meeting of the Council of Representatives. American Psychologist, 30, 620-633. 3. Bailey, J. M., Bobrow, D., Wolfe, M., & Mikach, S. (1995). Sexual orientation of adult sons of gay fathers. Developmental Psychology, 31, 124-129. 4. Bozett, F. W. (1980). Gay fathers: How and why they disclose their homosexuality to their children. Family Relations, 29, 173-179. 5. Bozett, F. W. (1989). Gay fathers: A review of the literature. In F. W. Bozett (Ed.), Homosexuality and the Family (pp. 137-162). New York: Harrington Park Press. 6. Curry, H., Clifford D., & Hertz, F. (2005). A legal Guide for Lesbian & Gay Couples. Nolo, 23-142. 7. Editors of the Harvard Law Review (1990). Sexual orientation and the law. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. 8. Falk, P. J. (1989). Lesbian mothers: Psychosocial assumptions in family law. American Psychologist, 44, 941-947. 9. Golombok, S., Spencer, A., & Rutter, M. (1983). Children in lesbian and single-parent households: Psychosexual and psychiatric appraisal. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 24, 551-572. 10. Gottman, J. S. (1990). Children of gay and lesbian parents. In F. W. Bozett & M. B. Sussman, (Eds.), Homosexuality and Family Relations (pp. 177-196). New York: Harrington Park Press. 11. Green, R. (1978). Sexual identity of 37 children raised by homosexual or transsexual parents. American Journal of Psychiatry, 135, 692-697. 12. Green, R., Mandel, J. B., Hotvedt, M. E., Gray, J., & Smith, L. (1986). Lesbian mothers and their children: A comparison with solo parent heterosexual mothers and their children. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 15, 167-184. 13. Harris, M. B., & Turner, P. H. (1985/86). Gay and lesbian parents. Journal of Homosexuality, 12, 101-113. 14. Herek, G.M. (1991). Myths about sexual orientation: A lawyers guide to social science research. Law and Sexuality, 1, 133-172. 15. Huggins, S. L. (1989). A comparative study of self-esteem of adolescent children of divorced lesbian mothers and divorced heterosexual mothers. In F. W. Bozett (Ed.), Homosexuality and the Family (pp. 123-135). New York: Harrington Park Press. 16. Human Rights Campaign Foundation. (2006). Retrieved October, 2006 from http://www.hrc.org/Template.cfm?Section=Parenting&CONTENTID=14082&TEMPLATE=/ContentManagement/ContentDisplay.cfm. 17. Jones, B. M., & MacFarlane, K. (Eds.) (1980). Sexual abuse of children: Selected readings. Washington, DC: National Center on Child Abuse and Neglect. 18. Kirkpatrick, M., Smith, C., & Roy, R. (1981). Lesbian mothers and their children: A comparative survey. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 51, 545-551. 19. Kleber, D. J., Howell, R. J., & Tibbits-Kleber, A. L. (1986). The impact of parental homosexuality in child custody cases: A review of the literature. Bulletin of the American Academy of Psychiatry and Law, 14, 81-87. 20. Kweskin, S. L., & Cook, A. S. (1982). Heterosexual and homosexual mothers self-described sex-role behavior and ideal sex-role behavior in children. Sex Roles, 8, 967-975. 21. Money, J., & Earhardt, A.A. (1972). Man and woman, boy and girl: Differentiation and dimorphism of gender identity from conception to maturity. Baltimore, MD: The Johns Hopkins University Press. 22. National Association of Social Workers. (1994). Policy statement on lesbian and gay issues. In Social work speaks: NASW policy statements (pp. 162-65). Washington, DC: National Association of Social Workers. 23. Pagelow, M. D. (1980). Heterosexual and lesbian single mothers: A comparison of problems, coping and solutions. Journal of Homosexuality, 5, 198-204. 24. Patterson, C. J. (1994). Children of the lesbian baby boom: Behavioral adjustment, self-concepts, and sex-role identity. In B. Greene & G. M. Herek (Eds.), Contemporary perspectives on lesbian and gay psychology: Theory, research and applications (pp. 156-175). Beverly Hills, CA: Sage Publications. 25. Patterson, C. J. (1995). Families of the lesbian baby boom: Parents division of labor and childrens adjustment. Developmental Psychology, 31, 115-123. 26. Patterson, C. J. (1996). Lesbian and gay parenthood. In M. H. Bornstein (Ed.), Handbook of Parenting. (pp. 255-274) Hillsdale, N. J.: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. 27. Sarafino, E. P. (1979). An estimate of nationwide incidence of sexual offenses against children. Child Welfare, 58, 127-134. 28. Thompson, N., McCandless, B., & Strickland, B. (1971). Personal adjustment of male and female homosexuals and heterosexuals. Journal of Abnormal Psychology, 78, 237-240. Read More