Interculturality and Intercultural Education - Essay Example

Introduction Populist and charismatic leaders have been predominant in Latin American countries in the 20th century. Using a general definition of populism, the construct can be characterized as being a political movement, and represented by presidents during the 1920s-1960s. The phenomenon of populism embraced multi-class foundations, the strengthening of the role of the State in socio-economic affairs, the goal of integrating marginal issues into the political process to aid in the equal distribution of resources, and the rehabilitation of popular culture (Conniff, 1999). Following the Great Depression many Latin American countries were seeking new ideas and policies to ward off economic losses. Notably, populist leaders made effective use of the media to gain the attention and patronage of a large voting pool within the community. Importantly, populist leaders considered the large indigenous populations that were part of their nations heritage, initiating discourse of inter-culturality and multi-cultural education. This incorporated concepts of democracy, equality and a civil society. Further, populism looked to debate and respect the cultural and linguistic plurality of indigenous peoples, and to rectify their day-to-day struggles with oppressive and unequal social relations (Aikman, 2004). This paper will review the populist education policies of the presidents; Lazaro Crdenas (Mexico); Juan Pern (Argentina); and Getlio Vargas (Brazil). Mexico: Lazaro Crdenas (1934-1940) President Crdenas's term was noteworthy for its extension of education resources and opportunities to the rural areas of Mexico, along with changes to land distribution and the formation of labor unions (Encyclopedia of the Nations, 2006). The dramatic reformation programs initiated by Crdenas promoted domestic industrialization by introducing import barriers the strong economic growth of Mexico in the following years provided the foundation for his inclusive education policies. The market forces of capitalism had until Crdenas's time maintained the status quo of the oppression of the indigenous people of Mexico. His administration brought in agrarian reform however, Crdenas was not fully focused on social transformation, although his term did manage to stabilize the existing capitalist economy (Dawson, 2004). Overall, Crdenas set out to decrease social inequality while at the same time increasing confience in the Mexican social system. Previous to the Crdenas government, a series of scientific and educational institutions had tried to understand and up-date the social position of indigenous people, and to integrate them into the wider Mexican community. Indigenism or indigenismo was maintained throughout Crdenas's term, contributing to the revolutionary formation and ethnohistory of Mexico. The assimilationist ideas of Mexico's bureaucrats and scholars between 1917-1934 sought to integrate the indigenous people by having them cast aside their culture (Dawson, 2004). With Crdenas, a more pluralist period of indigenism arose, extending on the belief that indigenous people were 'educatable'. Indian boarding schools were established to educate and modernize the students, however, by to teach in language and to have bureaucrats work within the indigenous communities. The Department of Indigenous Affairs was soon formed, that was oriented toward the education of indigenous people and the maintenance and respect of their culture and religious practices. As part of his goal to encourage the uplifting of Mexico's indigenous peoples, Crdenas put together a series of conferences (i.e., the 'Cardenista indigenous congresses') that included community leaders who would be able to communicate their expectations of the revolutionary state (Dawson, 2004). However, Crdenas did steer away from an extreme pluralist ideal of indigenism, and so maintained the older model of Indian assimilation into Mexican society. Also, the indigenous population did not always choose cultural autonomy, although there were some that opted for the benefits that would bring them in closer proximity with the mainstream of Mexican society. Some indigenous students who were staying at boarding schools anticipated employment opportunities that would launch them onto the world stage, which was in opposition to the goals of the schools proponents, who expected the students to return their communities as cultural ambassadors. The education changes furthered by Crdenas facilitated indigenous graduates in applying their education skills and roles as cultural embassaries to create a social niche for themselves as people with political influence (i.e., caciques) within their communities. Others chose instead to use their positions of influence as 'hinge-men' to uplift and empower their communities, and to improve overall conditions for indigenous Indians within Mexico. It has been suggested that perhaps due to the divergent definitions of indigenism amongst the policy makers of Mexico that the goal of integration/assimilation was thwarted by the late 1930s (Dawson, 2004). Following Crdenas term his successors oriented away from assimilation/uplifting of the indigenous peoples and allowed the Department of Indigenous Affairs to become a token institution. By 1946 the Department had folded. However, due to the policies introduced by Cardenas, social scientists and other educators were able to learn though the research that they carried out that the concept of 'racial' categorizes needed to be reconsidered. Over the later years educators sought more to introduce culturally pluralist education policies and social development interventions that were acknowledged as useful by indigenous communities. Argentina: Juan Pern (1944-1955) It has been argued that the history of Argentiana in the 20th century is best known for Pernism (Beasley-Murray, 2001). With his wife Evita, Peron enjoyed an abundance of support that swelled from the working classes. The populist rise to power of Pern in 1947 was partially a result of the fraudulent elections in the 1930s by the conservatives in the Pampas, and the countenance of the Supreme Court of the military coup of 1930 and the electoral fraud throughout the 1930s. The rise of populist power with Pern was the initiation of the democracies that exist within Argentina today. Leaving behind a rule based on law saw the weakening of a belief system that saw the elites and the citizens practice opportunistic behaviors. This is critical because we maintain that it was the erosion of a belief system in the rule of law, and the failure to solidify this system during the 1930s that lead to the initial populist appeal of Pern. We suggest that the policies put in place by Pern in turn offer some understanding of the subsequent oscillations in political governance and policy instability. The recent events in the twenty-first century once again bear witness to the importance of a belief system in checks and balances so that governments are not forced to take short-run opportunistic actions. Populism simply will not deliver sustained economic growth (Alston & Gallo, 2005). The government of Pern was extremely progressive in Latin America, it formed trade unions for all industries, started a national Social Security system, and provided education for free to those who were eligible. If anything, Pern was a pragmatic leader, and throughout his administration his views remained flexible. However, his political approach did maintain some constant stances: A strong, authoritarian and centralized government that maintained a strict control over the opposition. Maintained Argentine's freedom from foreign influences. Initiated a unique approach to economics that was neither socialist or capitalist, but sought to be inclusive of each in a corporativist manner so as to become a type of State capitalism. One of the major social political phenomenon introduced by Pern was the massive changes to the education system. He organized a course of technical education that was supervised by the State, the National Commission for Vocational Education and Orientation. It has been argued that the creation of this program aimed to keep the working class at a distance so that they would be unable to become part of the network of secondary schools and universities (Leonard, 1990). However, these arguments fail to consider Pernist policies in relation to cultural hierarchy and as an attempt to change previous hierarchy systems. Unfortunately though, many universities and schools were dismissed or closed down if they were organized by political opposition groups, as their ideals did not align with those of Pern. The regime of Pern (i.e., Peronsismo or Justicialism) is generally considered to have been a success as his ideals are still applied by many current governments across the globe (Leonard, 1990). This is an Argentine political approach that is grounded in ideas and programs that are directly attributable to the practices of Pern. His administration was overthrown by a military coup, and over the following 25 years, despite Pernism being proscribed, and he himself exiled to Spain, the political environment of Argentina was forever influenced by his policies. Brazil: Getlio Vargas (1930-1945 & 1951-1954) It has been contended that since the formation of the Brazilian National State over two hundred years ago, the elite has only been concerned with its own concerns, ignoring issues such as popular education (Gadotti, 1991). Vargas' ever-shifting populist dictatorship helped to reign in the agrarian landowners, paving the way for the democratization of the 1950s and 1960s. Between 1930-1964, as Brazilian populism itself guided changes in the structure of Brazil's economy (Vargas' policies significantly promoted industrial growth), Vargas and his successors were forced to shift the makeup of particular kinds of class alliances reconciled by the State. Education in Brazil has been profoundly affected by populism, a movement which embraces the virtue of the oppressed classes and opposes the traditional teacher-student relationship (Paiva, 1995). The historians of education, such as Barbara Freitag (1979 as cited in Paviam 1995), usually distinguishes three historical moments in Brazilian educational policy: 1) From the discovery until 1930: period when the jesuitical teaching and the private tutoring of the lites predominated. 2) From 1930 to 1964: the predominance of educational populism, the confrontation of public and private teaching and the victory of the liberal educational system, still elitist and nondemocratic. 3) The after 64 period, that of the authoritarian teaching of the military governments with the predominance of educational technocracy. Vagras based his ideologies on the writings of nineteenth-century Russian writers such as Herzen and Bakunin. Vagras's populist ideas, often merging with Marxism, were adopted by many Brazilian Catholics from the 1950s onwards, under the influence of Vieira Pinto, Paulo Freire and others (Lukacs, 2005). In the realm of education this often led to an extreme form of anti-authoritarianism. While not denying certain positive aspects of this movement, the position was often seen to be fundamentally self-contradictory. The Brazilian educational problem induced a need for a higher school level among the mass in order to climb the social ladder. The rural society was never challenged to offer education for all. It was the urban worker who brought along this challenge to the lites who reacted positively, inasmuch as the expansion of basic education was the necessary condition to the keeping of the power in the hands of the new ruling classes (Paiva, 1995). But it had no influence whatsoever, over the secondary school, which still is, privileged. The process of making urban popular masses brought along the consciousness that the educational problem was a national one, challenging the existing power, to create and maintain schools for the majority of the population. The educational policy defines itself in the battlefield within a set of forces composing society in the fight for hegemony (Lukacas, 2005). The plans and strategies were not to be defined by technicians who examine the situation and determine guiding lines and achievements to be obtained in a neutral way. They were translated for the result of a wider political fight. Over the period of populist education the State would attend to some of the demands of part of the population, because of the electoral stake of the representation system (Likacas, 2005). On the other hand, the period after 64 marked an important dis-investment of the State in relation to society, with the abandonment of the election system, the closing down of the National Congress and the triumph of techno-bureaucracy and political favoritism. Implications for the Field of Populism The ideal of a democratic society had been attempted and realized by means of an overall social policy, aiming at creating optimal equity of life conditions for all groups, identified by social background, gender, ethnicity and geographical location with the rise of Populsim in Latin America (Sachs, 2006). During the national awakening of the 19th century, localist values were manifested in strong linguistic and religious movements rooted in the local communities of the districts. The gross effect of the country's political history, geography and cultural movements in the 19th and 20th centuries may be termed "populism". The concept of populism implied "defence of small communities and their way of life, participatory democracy.and rejection of the market forces of urban industrial capitalism". In terms of political influence populism has meant power for the districts more than for the capital area and other urban centers (The Economist, 2006). Implied in Latin American populism is a strong ideology of equality. Equity was an evident political aim, manifested in legally and constitutional equal rights to essential goods, like health services, education, work and participation in decision making at all levels and in all aspects of social life. And with regard to current education policies, they have consequently aimed at making access to such goods as independent of geography, gender, ethnicity, social status and any aspect of personal disability. For example, all children are integrated in to regular and local schools. Implications for the Field of Populism Unlike their contemporaries in Nazi Europe, the Latin American Populist leaders discussed were oriented toward social justice and protection, bound up in education, trade and governmental policies that were inclusive of marginal groups. However, Latin American presidents did wield mass media in a similar fashion to Hitler, creating popular sovereignty through public opinion and a focus on nationalism. Lukacas (2005) argues that present day political systems have developed from the populist ideology and the use of available technology and knowledge to help sway opinion. He goes on to state that democracy in the USA has, since the 18th century, has shown an increasingly disturbing trend toward popularism, in its use of publicity and the focus on popular sentiment instead of public opinion. These observations highlight the results of expert use of propaganda (entertainment), rather than knowledge and a respect and incorporation of social history and ideologies. There is a similarity between the practices of populism (justice for the common people), and democracy (people rule in politics) (Lukacas, 2004). However, democratic politics tends to ignore class expectations, focusing instead on the promotion of culture. The lower and working classes of a society are usually more concerned with economic issues related to health care, worker's rights and education. It appears that across Latin America there is a continued shift to the political left within Mexico, Brazil and Argentina that mirror similar trends in Bolivia, Chile, Peru and Venuzuela (The Economist, 2006). Changes to political systems have resulted in Presidents that have moderate, social-democratic approaches. Macroeconomic policies, maintenance of liberal reforms of the late 20th century interlinked with social policies. It has been contended that despite the differences in commitment and perspective, all present day Presidents of Latin America ascribe to the traditional form of populism. As such, the ideology of populism is a key component to comprehending the history and future developments of Latin American nations. However, the term populism has come to be associated with 'abuse' (The Economist, 2006). In some areas of the world, populism is synonymous with a person who appeals to the base nature of an audience in which to gain popularity. In Latin America however, populism has endured and exerted a great influence as the movement made headway to rectify social dislocations of the under-classes and indigenous peoples due to globalization and capitalistic ideologies. Post-modern Latin America has seen populism become an urban phenomenon. It has become the way in which industrialized city citizens (i.e., middle and working class) have become contributors and active agents in their national political systems (The Economist, 2006). Unlike European social-democratic parties, Latin American trade unions were weak, and the inclusion of the urban masses was carried out by early populist leaders. They cultivated a multi-class alliance that rippled through national policies to bring a greater equality and access to educational, occupational and political opportunities for the 'common' Latin American. This was in stark contrast to contemporary socialist and conservative opposition parties. It is interesting to note that Cardenas, Pern and Vargas were all military officers. Their use of a caudillo (strongman) persona cultivated pride and confidence from the public that justice would be delivered for all people, regardless of class, by way of keeping a tight reign on capitalist exploiters (The Economist, 2006). Nationalism was promoted throughout the education system, as was the socialization of students as to the championing of national culture over foreign influences. In this way, populist education policies contributed toward a citizen motivation to 'build' their nation. It has been argued that although populism sought to be anti-elitist, and to instill this value in succeeding generations of Latin Americans, the ideology in fact creates a 'new elite' (The Economist, 2006). For example, a dominant pattern among populist movements is a significant drop in wages by the end of their administration; and corruption was often fostered despite the contradiction. The current resurgence of populism policies reflect Latin America's political culture, and introduces novel factors such as ethnic identity and exclusion due to globalization (Conniff, 1999). With regard to education, modern populism seeks to rectify the regions extreme inequality and to extend further social policies that empower and enable equal access to resources and opportunities, and inclusive classroom practices. The salient benefits of improved education systems across the nations bolster the support for charismatic leadership and widespread reforms, as opposed to incremental changes. Change on such a macro scale, requires leadership engagement with the public's psychosocial and cultural-environmental existence. This can realistically only occur through the socialization of citizens (especially children) into the beliefs, values, attitudes and responses of a populist ideology. The framework for educational policies is geared around the basic social needs of the populace for respect of their rights and dignity. As well, there is a growing awareness of the need to balance the influences of globalization with observable adverse effects occurring in other nations, such as in the United States. There is criticism though of the emphasis on Latin America's assumed richness of natural resources. It has been contended that the wealth is illusory, and that populist leaders blame multinational corruption for increasing poverty and class divisions within the Latin World (Conniff, 1982). This approach finds support for proposed policies, including those of education, in that access to resources, teaching practices and learning experiences are now seen as obtainable and self-affirming, and as providing a security for the future in the form of knowledge, skills and competencies. It is further stated that in order for a nation to experience growth and development the political system needs to incorporate policies and institutions to support them. To this end, populist policy documentation in regards to education specifically is derth among the literature. Until adequate discourse, research and theories are lobbied amongst educators and policy makers, Latin American populism is unlikely to strengthen nationalism in the long-term, or to support the national growth and education of an economically independent urban mass. Conclusion In summary, populism is a political ideology that supports the rights and dignity of the common people. Within Latin America, a populist leadership approach has dominated the political agendas of Presidents, the classic period being from the 1920s-1960s. Representations of populist leaders presented in this paper were the military officers Lazaro Crdenas (1934-1940) of Mexico, Juan Pern (1944-1955) of Argentina, and Getlio Vargas (1930-1945 & 1951-1954) of Brazil. Their focus on social policies critical to the interests of a mass working class, and the large populations of indigenous communities, signified a step toward democratization and the benefit of dramatic socio-economic development. It is the history of Latin America, from pre-colonialism to present day that ethnic divisions have existed and contributed to the development and longevity of populist ideology in this region of the globe. Indigenous communities that did survive European diseases, discriminations and exploitations, were notably subservient members of society, and disenfranchised in terms of political input and engineering educational prerogatives as they saw their needs. Forced immigration of African-American communities were left in poverty and having their basic rights ignored, following emancipation. Social inequalities of power, status, education, health and well being mark the political history of the Southern Americas, culminating in indigenous and other marginal groups (mestizo and African-American) lobbying for socio-political and economic rights to the present day. Democracy has been a challenge, fought and won, however, it is a form of democracy that seems lacking in stable goals and policies and institutions to complete the democratic process. Overall, the social and political systems of Latin America, including most especially educational systems and their policies, remain inaccessible to the marginalized ethnic groups of Latin Americans. Although it is unlikely that populist politics and the emphasis on rapid re-gaining of equality will provide the social infrastructures to support ongoing benefits to the Latino populace at large. References References Aikman, Shelia. 2004. Interculturality and intercultural Education: A challenge for democracy. International Review of Education 43(5-6): 463-479. Alston, L. J. & Gallo, A. A. 2005. The erosion of checks and balances in Argentina and the rise of Populism in Argentina: An explanation for Argentina's economic slide from the Top Ten, Working paper PEC2005-000. The Institute of Behavioral Science. Online. Available from Internet, http://www.colorado.edu/ibs/pubs/pec/pec2005-0001.pdf#search =%22 argentina% 20populism%22, accessed 3 October, 2006. Beasley-Murray, Jon. 2001. In Argentina. In scenes from postmodern life. Translation of Escenas de la vida posmoderna: arte, cultura y videocultura en la Argentina. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, vii-xix. Conniff, Micheal. L.,Ed., 1999. Populism in Latin America. London: University of Alabama Press. Dawson, Andrew. S. 2004. Indian and nation in revolutionary Mexico. Tucson: University of Arizona Press. Encyclopedia of the Nations. 2006. World leaders: Mexico rise to power. Online. Available from Internet, http://www.nationsencyclopedia.com/World-Leaders-2003/Mexico-RISE-TO-POWER.html, accessed 3 October, 2006. Gadotti, Micheal. 1991. The politics of education and social change in Brazil: A critical view from within. Proceedings from the American Education Research Association (AERA) Annual Meeting, Chicago, April 4-7. Online. Available from Internet, http://www.paulofreire.org/Moacir_Gadotti/Artigos/Ingles/ On_Education/ Politics_of_Education_in_Brazil_1991.pdf#search=%22%2Bbrazil%20%2B%20populism%20%2Beducation%22, accessed October 5, 2006. Leonard, Eric. M. 1990. Politicians, pupils, and priests: Argentine education since 1943. History of Education Quarterly, 30(3): 438-440. Lukacas, John. 2004. The triumph and collapse of Liberalism. The Chronicle Review (December 10). Lukacs, John. 2005. Democracy and populism: Fear and hatred. New York: R.R. Donnelly & Sons. Paiva, Val. 1995. Catholic populism and education in Brazil. International Review of Education, 41(3-4): 151-175. Sachs, John. 2006). Latin American populism. Economist's Views. Online. Available from Internet, http://economistsview.typepad.com/economistsview /2006/04 /latin_american_.html, accessed 5 October, 2006. The Economist. 2006. The return of populsim. April 12. Online. Available form Internet, http://www.economist.com/world/la/displaystory.cfmstory_id=6802448, accessed 5 October, 2006. Read More