Different Aspects of Employee Relations - Book Report/Review Example

Running Head: Employee Relations Employee Relations of the of the Employee Relations Women's heterogeneous preferences regarding work and family are the main determinants of female employment patterns in liberal, modern societies (Hakim, 1991; Hakim, 2000; Hakim, 2006). Catherine Hakim argues that the emergence of a 'new scenario' concurrent with other tenets of preference theory, has resulted in constraint free societies whereby choice becomes the dominant explanation for the changes in employment patterns. A longitudinal study, using quantitative data interpreted by Hakim, reveals heterogeneous preferences of women, which can be grouped in to three categories: 'home-centred', 'work-centred' and 'adaptive' (Hakim, 2000:6). Within these categories the characteristics demonstrated by the women, remain stable over time. The heterogeneity of women's preferences result in less coherence and a lack of conformity in relation to the development of social policy, a factor enabling the continuity of a patriarchal society supporting homogeneous men. This review will investigate trends in female employment patterns, in conjunction with Hakim's preference theory, identifying contrasting literature illustrating the limited applicability of the theory to liberal, modern societies, the instability of preferences over time, and the relevance of the theory to men. Women are heterogeneous in their priorities on 'work-life conflict' and choice thereafter, as identified later in employment patterns (Hakim 2000:7). Polarization of female employment patterns intensifies with each generation and heterogeneous preferences are stable across the entire lifecycle. Hakim identifies three preference groups: 'home centred', 'work centred' and 'adaptive'. 'Home centred' women account for approximately 20%* of all women, characteristically their family life and children are consistently prioritized and as a consequence, these women prefer not to work. They are also responsive to social and family policies. Hakim controversially claims that this group of women obtain educational qualifications solely as 'intellectual dowry' (Hakim, 2000:6). Diametrically opposed 'work centred' women prioritise employment, they commit solely to work or equivalent activities, make larger investments in qualifications, are responsive to employment policies and make up a further 20%* of women. The remaining 60%* of the female population are classified as 'adaptive', they are diverse in their priorities often combining work and family, showing a lack lustre commitment to work despite having attained qualifications intended for future employment, these women are highly responsive to all policies. The third tenet of Hakim's preference theory is the conflicting interests between the three preference groups. The conflicting interests of women has enabled homogeneous men to institutionalise the social conventions which underpin patriarchal society, subsequently affecting women's employment patterns. The forth tenet is the discordant effects of conflicting interests on social engineering policies, resulting in detrimental effects for women in employment. According to Hakim (2000) these are the main determinants of female employment patterns (full time and part time) in the UK. Essentially the specific female employment patterns Hakim is referring to are the higher number of women in part time and/or lower positions, and the higher levels of job satisfaction despite the disproportionately high level of women in low level jobs. The EOC (Equal Opportunity's Commission) provides data on employment patterns, and most interestingly, it highlights the change in trends from the 1970's. In Hakim's opinion the 'new scenario' emerged within this era (Hakim, 2000:2). The EOC shows a marked increase in the percentages of women in employment with dependent children, between 1973 and 2004 the figure increased from 47% to 66%. The overall number of women in employment has increased by over a third to 12.5 million in 2005. Women in part time jobs work fewer hours than in the 70's; the proportion of women in part time employment has remained around 2/5 and the proportion of men to women in part time work, despite male part time doubling since 1984, still remains heavily in favour of women. The percentages of women managers has increased from 1.8%, in 1974, to 33.1%, in 2004. The percentage of women practising law has increased from 6% to 41%, from 1975 to 2004. While the percentage of women Head teachers, at Secondary level, has increased from 18% to around 33%, although this isn't geographically universal as Scotland and Wales have seen little increase since 1975. Male heterogeneity within job preference has increased, evident in male midwifery: figures of registered male midwives increased from 4, in 1979, to 108, in 2004. However, the proportion of men to women in this profession remains overwhelmingly in favour of women, who account for 99.7% of all registered midwives in the UK. These figures clearly show the heterogeneity of women in employment and an arguable case for the heterogeneity of men. Additionally, the pay gap remains high, 17.1% for full time workers and 38.4% for part time workers, demonstrating a disproportionately high number of women in lower level jobs. These trends, according to Hakim, are a product of the new scenario and evidence of the preferences of women. However, they can arguably be interpreted to reinforce the idea that employment constraints still exist and are imposed on women in today's modern society. (Grimshaw 2001, 209:229) The human capital theory attempts to explain unequal labour market patterns as a result of individual choice, not discrimination (Becker, 1975; Polachek, 1981). According to the theory, investment in human capital, such as the accumulation of education, skills, and training, reflects individual earnings. Women choose to focus on domestic activities, such as childrearing, they invest less in human capital and the lower investment in training is reflected in lower individual earnings. This theory supports Hakim's ideology of choice as the determinant factor. The persistence of a gender pay gap, since the apparent emergence of the 'new scenario', also enhances the idea. However, an alternative explanation for the persistent gender pay gap is the rational economic behaviour of employers, who seek to maximise benefits and minimise costs. (Colgan 2002, 167:189) The imposition of traditional management views of women's roles in the workplace, as temporary or less committed, could cause a reluctance of managers to offer women training opportunities, thereby acting as a contextual constraint reducing the ability of women to achieve their preference. Figures from the EOC, show that the human capital investment by women, pre employment, is higher than men: 55% of all undergraduate students were female in 2003/4 (http://www.eoc.org.uk/pdf/facts_about_GB_2006.PDF [Accessed 1st March 2007]). The subsequent assumption made is that, without employer or domestic constraints, women show a slightly higher commitment to achieving human capital than men. Therefore, the unequal proportion of males to females in high level jobs, using examples such as management, lawyers and Head teachers, occurs during employment either by choice or constraint. Hakim argues that there are no constraints in modern society, and the patterns are a direct revelation of choice. Conversely, this paper argues, although constraints are limited or non-existent for some, they remain a determinant factor for the majority of women in the UK and USA, in modern society. Hakim uses the UK and USA as prime examples of liberal societies and unregulated labour markets, because they "provide the least restrictive environments for the emergence of new social patterns" (Hakim, 2000:17-18). She claims the two countries incorporate the first tenet of preference theory, the development of the new scenario; arising through sociological changes within society. The five causes of the new scenario include: 'the contraceptive revolution', 'equal opportunities revolution', 'expansion of white-collar occupations', 'creation of jobs for secondary workers' and the increasing importance of personal preferences in lifestyle choices within affluent societies (Hakim, 2000:7). The first tenet of Hakim's preference theory is the evolution of the 'new scenario' as a result of five separate changes in society and the labour market. In the US, the first change was the 'contraceptive revolution', which began in 1963 (http://www.orthotricyclen.com/answer/birth_answers/history.html [Accessed on 1st March 2007]). In the UK, this was followed by the equal opportunities revolution, which consists of the Equal Pay Act (1970) and the Sex Discrimination Act (1975) (http://www.womenandequalityunit.gov.uk/legislation/discrimination_act.htm [Accessed on 1st March 2007]). The expansion of white collar groups, arguably began in 1870, although has been 'emphasized more in recent decades' (Soloman, 1954:270-271). These changes are followed by the creation of jobs for secondary earners, and the increasing importance of attitudes, values and personal preference in lifestyle choices. Hakim gives no direction as to when these revolutionary changes occurred, similarly the vagueness of title prevents locating the exact dates the changes materialised. Therefore, it is assumed that they emerged concurrently with the changes previously mentioned or thereafter. The assumption of these developments is the new scenario, from which Hakim bases her argument of the apparent observations of changes in the employment patterns of women. Crompton and Lyonette's study of new gender essentialism incorporating attitudes to 'choices' noted that "patterns of couples' working arrangements would seem to be shaped by structural, as well as, attitudinal factors - even in Britain" (Crompton and Lyonette, 2005:616). This argument is furthered by the case study of Norway, which has 'relatively minor' structural constraints relative to women's employment choices, showing a persistence of traditional employment patterns (Crompton and Lyonette, 2005:616). The use of the UK and USA as case studies for the emergence of preference theory is therefore, is increasingly hampered by the growing body of research suggesting otherwise. A further damaging factor is the applicability of the theory. Although Hakim implies that as liberality increases, new scenario appears and new social patterns emerge; at present there are few countries to which the theory is applicable to, raising issues of its usefulness as a modern predictor of evolving social patterns. Furthermore, Hakim (2000) declares that within liberal, affluent societies, such as the UK and USA, 'choice' has a much greater influence on women's employment than contextual constraints. Katona reinforces this concept, declaring that: "the needs economy has been replaced by the wants and aspirations economy" (Katona, 1975:153). Illustrating that the change in women's employment, as the secondary earner, as no longer being driven by financial necessity, but for material gain, by pushing their family and lifestyle into a higher income bracket. Undeniably this will be the case in some families, but the applicability of this to an entire society has been widely discredited. McRae's (2003) study supports Hakim's proportions of 'work-centred', 'home-centred' and 'adaptive' women, and the behavioural patterns which construct these three groups of women. However, she states: "All women face constraints in making decisions about their lives", drawing attention to obvious opportunity and real costs of the 'choices' McRae (2003: 328). McRae (2003) takes a sociological view of women's ability to afford the foregone opportunities, recognising underlying processes and constraints which differ between socio-economic groups. For example, a structural constraint identified is the cost of childcare. The majority of Hakim's 'home-centred' women do not incur these costs, whilst 'work-centred' women find them affordable due to higher incomes built from career dedication. However, they have a massive effect on the feasibility of combining employment and motherhood for Hakim's 'adaptive' women. A further example of a structural constraint is the introduction of the European Working Time Directive (EWTD), a limit on the number of hours employees are permitted to work. The EWTD will greatly affect 'work-centred' women by limiting the time they can dedicate to work. Arguments illustrating that the EWTD legislation benefits employers more than employees, due to its restrictive applicability clauses and many exceptions to the rule, demonstrate that the constraints may additionally encompass Hakim's 'adaptive' women. Pressure from employers for employees to waive their time limiting rights, can result in working mothers being asked to work longer hours than is feasible when combining work and family commitments, ultimately forcing them out of the labour market. The above constraints further discredit Hakim's ideas of choice over constraint; additional evidence to suggest the ever present contextual constraints can be found in employment patterns post childbirth. McRae (2003) highlights the decreased number of women remaining in full time work post child birth , 32 women out of a approximated sample size of 100 remained in full time employment after the birth of their child, this decreased to 19 once their child reached the age of 5 (McRae, 2003:321) . A possible reason for the declining numbers is the reluctance of employers to enable job-sharing positions, in order to effectively balance the work-life conflict., thereby constraining the types of positions available to working mothers. The validity of arguments against job-sharing, on the grounds of feasibility, cost, or merely the applicability of work-life balancing to jobs requiring high levels of commitment, are arguably great. However, the declining numbers of full time working mothers illustrates a fault in the stability of preferences longitudinally. McRae highlights the importance of a woman's beliefs concerning 'being a mother', 'an employed mother' and the subsequent 'implications' (McRae, 2003:329). Indicating that the woman's beliefs can curtail the 'choices' she considers are available to her, and this therefore affects preferences on how to combine motherhood and employment. Hakim fails to take in to consideration the beliefs of women, and Thomson (1995) illustrated the importance of husbands'/partners' attitudes and labour force participation. Interestingly, Pahl (1988) noted that the patriarchal society suppresses the participation of women in the labour market due to the dual role played by men, as both the reluctant employer and comfortable husband. In essence the theory suggests that men are reluctant to hire women for roles requiring high levels of commitment, because they are aware of the resultant reduction in comforts afforded to them via a housewife. This contextual constraint is arguably declining as the proportion of women in higher level positions increases. Hakim would argue that it is no longer a contextual constraint within modern society, and that preference theory is the reason only 8.6% of all board members of FTSE 100 companies, in 2003, are female (Tomlinson, 2007:2). Cooper Jackson (2001) contradicts Hakim by suggesting that the gross under representation of women in top executive positions is a result of the 'glass' ceiling. The term, originally coined in a 1986 Wall Street Journal (Hymowitz and Schellhardt, 1986, cited in Cooper Jackson, 2001:30), refers to the invisible barriers faced by middle level women managers concerning promotion in to the upper echelons of the corporate world. It is important to note that the study merely looks at the perceptions of women, thus Hakim's explanation would be equally valid. However, Hakim's work centred group, assuming they are the only women capable of dedicating enough time and commitment to reach directorate level in a FTSE 100 company, she argues ranges between 10 and 30%. Therefore on the same basis, if Hakim's preference theory was the only explanation for a mere 8.6% of women at board level in FTSE 100 companies, the figure should be within the 10-30% proportion she suggests. Hakim's assumption of the domination of choice is heavily dependent on the non-existence of, the contextual factor, economic viability. Although Thomson (1995) highlights the importance of whether or not the husband/partner is in paid employment, a modern trend which appears to be growing is the number of single parent families. "One in four dependent children lived in a lone-parent family in 2004. This was an increase from 1 in 14 in 1972" (http://www.statistics.gov.uk/cci/nugget.aspid=1163 [Accessed on 21st February 2007]). The reduction in double income families is sure to have a negative effect on women's ability to choose their preference. Hakim's reluctance to include this growing trend in preference theory, serves as yet another compounding argument against the applicability of her argument. Marks and Houston (2002) explored the heterogeneity of women's attitudes towards work and motherhood. The strongest attitudinal discriminator between groups of women was the strength of work commitment, which supports Hakim's second tenet of preference theory: the heterogeneous prioritisation of work-life commitment. The study showed that women in work had a higher commitment to employment than those who had relinquished their careers to dedicate their time to home based activities. However, it is important to note that the relinquished identity as a worker may present a direct barrier to work commitment, and a further barrier to re-entry in to the workplace. The second most influential discriminator was the negative attitudes towards motherhood held by working and non-working women. Working women held negative views of motherhood, agreeing that the activity was 'boring, exhausting, stressful and socially isolating' (Marks and Houston, 2002:533). Also agreeing that women were no more intuitively equipped to care for children than men, which contrasts greatly to the criticised, traditional stereotype of women as carers and men as leaders (Due Billing and Alvesson, 2000). Demonstrating that despite research contradicting the stereotypical view, the unequal employment patterns suggest that tradition prevails, thus historical, cultural gender differences still exist in modern society. This factor is largely ignored by Hakim, dismissed under the heading of the 'new scenario'. Panteli 2001 3-17 In preference theory Hakim suggests that the discord between different groups of women has supported a patriarchal society, the disagreements between differing groups hampers the implementation of social policies beneficial to any group of women. Hakim suggests the homogeneity of men enables a uniform voice permitting faster implementation of policies which benefit the male workforce. Although groups of women have similar characteristics, implementation of policies advantageous to all three groups are hindered by the contrasting needs and voices. Hakim asserts 'treating the workforce as a homogenous group may work well for male employment', implying the homogeneity of men, and the subsequent disadvantages for women (Hakim, 1995:450). However, the 'orientations to work' debate in the Industrial Sociology during the 1960s and 70s, concluded that the male workforce was heterogeneous (Crompton and Harris, 1998:121). Hakim's assumption of the homogeneity of men has resulted in the apparition of an accusation of unequal social policy, which contrasts even her own theory of liberal societies without constraints. The 'disproportionate success' of patriarchy and failure of 'social engineering policies' declared by Hakim, suggests that the so called unconstrained liberal societies are flawed with the contextual constraint of unequal social policies which favour men, over women, in employment (Hakim, 2000:9-10). Hakim assumes the homogeneity of men, however, the EOC has shown a growing trend male workers in the part time category, the figure has increased twofold since 1984. There is an increasing trend of men choosing not to work full time, focussing on leisure activities or domestic chores. The discussion of lone parents highlights a contextual constraint, which affects both men and women. The EOC highlights that men too can be lone parents, which may be one explanation for the increase in men in part time employment. Finally tradition is also applicable to men, Hakim argues that men are homogeneous in their preferences: they all desire to work full time. Having highlighted some more modern trends, I would like to conclude that in some cases tradition is a contextual constraint for men, forcing them in to employment regardless of preference. The research and speculation, highlights questions about Hakim's assumption of the homogeneity of men, and the subsequent applicability of preference theory to men in employment. Research supporting the foundations of Hakim's preference theory, specifically the five sociological changes, illustrates the usefulness of the theory as a root for expansion. However, Hakim is inherently paradoxical in her theory, dismissing past theories due to their irrelevance to women in the workforce, but her own research ignores a plethora of structural constraints faced by women in modern, liberal societies. The over-emphasis of choice as the determinant factor for women, and men, in liberal, modern societies has been widely discredited due to the provocative assumptions made by Hakim. The contrasting theorists provide a compelling argument against the applicability of preference theory to the UK, USA and any other social state. However, I would argue that with the inclusion of a further sociological cultural change, referring to traditional attitudes still rife in modern society, the applicability of the theory will grow with time. As social norms decline, and liberalisation increases, Hakim's preference theory will become more valid, due to an influx of modern values held by younger generations entering the workforce. References Alvesson, M., and Due Billing, Y. 1997. Understanding Gender and Organizations. London: Sage. Becker, G. S. 1975. Human Capital. New York: National Bureau of Economic Research. Bond, S., and Sales, J., 2001. Household Work in the UK: An Analysis of the British Household Panel Survey 1994. Work, Employment & Society [online]. 15(2), [Accessed 22nd January 2007], pp. 233-250. Available form World Wide Web: http://0-wes.sagepub.com.wam.leeds.ac.uk/cgi/reprint/15/2/233 Colgan, F. and Ledwith, S. 2002. 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'Gender, career progression and management', lecture notes distributed in the topic LUBS3935 Gender and Equality at Work. University of Leeds, Roger Stevens Building on 15th February. Women and Equality Unit. 2006. [Accessed on 1st March 2007]. Available from World Wide Web: http://www.womenandequalityunit.gov.uk/legislation/discrimination_act.htm Read More