The Political Economy of Global Communication - Essay Example

SECTION I - BACKGROUND Among host of lessons, the catastrophic tragedy of September 11 has taught the citizens of the worlds that communication plays an enormous role in security on international and national scales. From there, the media has emerged as a key player in safety and security issues involving conflict and war. Gone are the ages of closed door military meetings, secret missions, and blind attacks; all of which are afforded by a privacy that no longer exists. Satellites, imbedded reporters, and twenty-four hour news coverage have elevated communication to a massive tool in wartime. It has become a catch-22. As Peter Wilkin (2001) states, the "means of communication is a dangerous weapon to be placed in the hands of private institutions driven by profit interests as much as it is when placed in the hands of monopoly state power." The news media is this profit-driven organization, and its threat is real. The arena now is Iraq, now in the third year of a war sprung from the fear of a threat. Today, the relationship between the state and the media in terms of supporting each others interests. The available body of literature indicates that security issues have changed since World War II. The perceptions of people in the East differ greatly from those in the West due, in part, to media and communication as a whole. Prevention is often overlooked as an integral part of security. The case study will evaluate the role of the media in global security. Oftentimes ownership of media, whether public or private, plays a role in the kind of communication people may receive. In addition, wealthy investors, owners, and sponsors can skew the presentation of communications messages both locally and globally. The media is a powerful and influential player in high stakes political games but is also a tool in which a civil society gets information about global issues which now may affect them. Finally, this paper will examine how the Iraq crisis of 2002/2003, when the possible manufacture and stockpiling of weapons of mass destruction came to a peak, was both created and shaped by the media of both the United States, the aggressor in this conflict, and Germany, the largest member of the European Union and a staunch opponent of the war. SECTION TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW According to a study compiled by the World Watch Institute, security tops the lists of concerns for most nations (State of the World, 2005). National security is frequently referred to as the military, or the military and homeland security and has resulted in the creation of the Department of Homeland Security in the United States. However, according to Anita Dancs, (2006), director of the National Priorities Project and Security Policy Working Group member, "securing our nation has three components: the military, homeland security and preventive measures." Preventive measures refer to actions, plans and policies that neutralize or prevent violent conflicts (Dancs, 2006). Undoubtedly, the media plays a new role in global security by virtue of its position in the communications marketplace. They determine public opinion and can shape decisions and alter perceptions of problems. For example, Paul Rogers (2005) reports that even though North Americans typically respond to surveys that violence is on the rise both nationally and internationally, worldwide violence is actually diminishing. The Human Security Report reveals that "the number of armed conflicts has decreased by more than 40% , and the number of major conflicts(which it defines as resulting in 1,000 or more battle-deaths) has declined by 80%" (Rogers, 2005). The report also notes that the number of autocratic regimes is decreasing as well. This is an important consideration because, as Stephen Krasner (1983) has delineated, regimes are based upon norms and principles which do not change without a revolutionary impetus. For example, if a terrorist regime acts upon the principles of their religion and seek to fight a holy war, such as in the tragedy of 9/11, then those that do not hold those same principles will automatically view that as a violent action. However, as the report indicates, these incidents are on the decline. Why then does the United States so fear them that they have spent so much money to fight them The answer may lie in the media and its alliances. Phillip Knightley (2002), in his book The First Casualty, points to the government as employing the same type of propaganda strategies as Hitler did in WWII. The government compared Hussein to Hitler and reported stories of atrocities such as the baby-killing story in Kuwait. Knightley (2002) says "The most important of all these atrocity stories - both in its impact on public opinion and its political influence - was the Kuwaiti babies story" (pp. 486-487). The media even broadcast the testimony before Congress of a 15-year-old Kuwaiti girl who witnessed the atrocities. Of course, the public's view of the government in this war was overwhelmingly supportive, with the few voices of dissent easily squelched (Knightley, 2002). As the Iraq conflict returned to focus, so did the devil Hussein. This time, though, the media response was more global than ever with some of the fiercest media opposition to the United States coming from Germany, the largest member of the European Union. The German media is massive, combining both public and privately owned media outlets in both the print and the broadcast media. "The German press is characterized by its remarkable variety. It covers a large number of titles, a strong local and regional newspaper market, a comparably small number of national newspapers and a substantial variety of both general interest and special interest magazines" (Media, 2006). According to the German Embassy in Washington D.C., Germany prints about 370 newspapers with the most popular national paper being The Bild. In addition, regional newspapers also have a strong readership given the political structure of Germany after it was divided after WWII (Media, 2006). The strongest of the public stations is ZDF. It serves the region of Lander and is produced in Berlin. The focus of ZDF is current events and international affairs; as a result it is strong internationally with partner stations and cooperative agreements around the world. It maintains 19 foreign bureaus with many foreign correspondents (ZDF, 2004). TV is also very popular among the Germans, and, like it has in many countries, broadcast media has accounted for the decline in the readership. Unlike other countries, however, the German broadcasting industry is divided between public systems and private systems. The public TV stations are independent financed by fees paid by German citizens. This keeps the independent market free of any market interferences because they aren't funded by advertising and can focus on cultural and educational programming. It wasn't until 1984 that the first commercial broadcasting stations were licensed. These stations compete just like stations in the USA for viewership and advertising dollars (Media, 2006). In the United States, the media is mostly private. While a few national newspapers are popular, such as USA TODAY, most newspapers are regional, such as the New York Times, the Washington Post, and the Chicago Tribune. Broadcast media is also mainly private with four main networks commanding the audience. Public stations are often run by universities with arts programming and organizations featuring children's programming. SECTION THREE - CASE STUDY Human security, as previously mentioned, has never been higher on the international agenda than it is now. With globalization, communication between and among nations is instantaneous; international business is becoming accessible to anyone with a computer. As media corporations merge, a commercially driven system of global information is created. Peter Wilkin asks: How does this affect the security of ordinary citizens (Wilkin, 2001). He answers that security is definitely linked to the autonomy of individuals and nations as well. This autonomy depends upon the access these people have to information. Therefore, at the most basic level, autonomy and information can lead to effective democracy through globalization. However, when the communication of information is controlled either by private business or a governmental regime, the quest for autonomy, and thus security, is hindered (Wilkin, 2001) The coverage of the Iraq War has really put the media as an information system into clear focus. Information about the war is vital to human security in the region and around the world. The first issues concern the focus of the information reported via the media. Rogers points to one source of global insecurity as the inconsistency in belief among the world's peoples. He contends that the Atlantic countries of the United States and Canada, along with western European nations of such as Britain and Germany "perceive a world of increasing violence" (Rogers, 2005). This perceptions endures despite the fact that violence is not actually increasing. Yet, the media coverage of George W. Bush's 'War on Terror' has created this sense of vulnerability. Conversely, the people from Asia, Eastern Europe, South America and the Middle East tend to view the worlds insecurities as a result of unemployment, inadequate healthcare, and poor education (Rogers, 2005). Regan (2004) reinforces this idea when he reports , "some experts say the US media was far to sycophantic in their coverage of the Bush administration's positions on Iraq, and issues like WMD, others say foreign media sometimes went too far in the other direction, and created an 'us versus them' relationship in their coverage." This view represents the ideas that Wilkin (2001) challenges: that human security is based upon the fulfillment of needs. He argues that one must account for autonomy if true security can be achieved. The ability to interact in local, state, national and now international relationships depends upon a person's or nation's ability to do so with autonomy, not under duress or through the impact of governmental propaganda. The media operates in the manner described above for several reasons, the first of which is its ownership. Herman and Chomsky (1988) note that the media is dominated by one of two entities - the market elite or a government regime. The first is a group driven by profit. He notes that the 24 largest media organization amass more profits than the earnings of the Third World several times over. Because they have stockholders, sponsors, directors, and bankers to please, the content of the media must be addicting to the consumer (Herman and Chomsky (1988). Apparently war and violence is addicting. Wilkins (2001) asserts that private ownership of communication, the media, is a barrier to autonomy and security. It justifies the intrusion of private businesses into public life by discoloring the information on the basis of what is economically sound for the media owners, or as Wilkin calls them, the global elite. American interests in Iraq began with a leftover, nagging hatred of Saddam Hussein and a fear of nuclear proliferation in Iraq. The media seemed to report the government's tales of WMDs in Iraq without so much as a question, a market difference in the adversarial reporting of previous conflicts. In addition, the US media seemed to rely on "sources sympathetic to the administration" (Regan, 2004) rather than seek others. FOX news seemed to take the brunt of the abuse. It was accused of being too right-wing and its leader, Rupert Murdoch, was described as a warmonger who promoted war (Martin, 2003). In addition, the media apparently refused to report apparent arguments among Bush officials about WMDs while indiscriminately using "Iraqi dissidents as unnamed sources, often printing their claims without checking them" (Regan, 2004). In addition, the intelligence information regarding the WMDs was available to the press, so the administration's misuse of this information would have been obvious to the press. Yet they reported nothing to the contrary of the administration (Regan, 2004). Pressures from the wealthy owner and sponsors needed the people to support the war and continue to watch and read the coverage. While the American media tended to be excessively pro-war, the German media tended to be excessively anti-American. Many German media organizations are owned by public regimes. These government-run outlets did not rely on profit to keep them solvent. They could utilize their media offerings as political tools, as Krasner would say, a means to reinforce the norms and principles of society. One media outlet reported that "U.S. aggression in Iraq will result in the explosion of the Near and Middle East" (Geiger, 2003). ZDF television released the results of its poll which broadcast that 84 percent of Germans blame the United States for the war in Iraq. "Saddam's terror was no topic for the German TV media, but criticism of America was" (Geiger, 2003). One high school staged an anti-war/anti-America protest even though, when asked, none of them knew anything about Saddam Hussein or even where Iraq was located on a map (Geiger, 2003). In fact, a BBC report published in the German news magazine Focus noted that German public television stations aired more negative reports about the US than had the Al-Jazeera network, a decidedly pro-Saddam station (German Institute Reports, 2003). While not spurred by commercial reasons, the same end result occurs with reference to autonomy. Krasner notes that this difference in media coverage is symptomatic of a more global discrepancy. He uses the term neorealism to describe the viewpoint that violence is a fundamental part of society and that it will likely continue. Caroline Thomas explains that neoliberals perceive the concept of human security derives from competition and possession. The idea of human security in the global sense is quite different. It is represented by having the basic material needs met, having human dignity served and having a positive and meaningful life experience. While neorealism predicts that conflict should be the norm in international relations, regime theorists say that there is cooperation despite anarchy. Often they cite cooperation in trade, human rights and collective security among other issues. These instances of cooperation are regimes (Krasner 1983). The role of prevention is often underrepresented; it can actually promote peace and stability worldwide while reducing the need for costly military activity and for legislation that may infringe upon rights and freedoms (Dancs, 2006). The American government seemed to be on the offensive in Iraq. For example, seeking to stop the proliferation of nuclear components to prevent Iraq from harming others would be an example of prevention. Instead, the USA went on an offensive to force the spread of democracy. Because the former Iraqi regime was not conducive to this change, and because a true revolution has yet to occur among the Iraqi people and the Iraqi people only, this push of democratic principles has been resisted, sometimes violently. As a result, the war has continued much longer than anticipated, and individuals are unable to achieve the autonomy they need for security. SECTION FOUR - CRITICAL DISCUSSION Caroline Thomas (2001) explains that "human security is indivisible; it cannot be pursued by or for one group at the expense of another" (p.161). The United States seems to be focusing on the neoliberal idea of market competition and wealth securing the individual and the society. This is illustrated by the fact that the US nearly $315 billion fighting the war in Iraq (Dancs, 2006). Regimes, such as the countries listed earlier as being more interested in education, health and employment, tend to expect cooperation, even though some autocratic or terrorist regimes do take part in violent acts. As a result, some countries seem to be spending money on reinforcing military efforts. However, even if a country has a huge military, disaster can still strike. Danc (2006) and Naren Chitty (2004) note the irony in the fact that after spending millions of dollars on Homeland Security, two disasters struck that were in no way affected by military efforts. Hurricane Katrina and the Indian Ocean tsunami swept away the rich and poor alike. Never has prevention been a hotter topic (with the possible exception of 9/11) than after these tragedies. Chitty(2004) notes that "All of the lives lost are a reflection of the backwardness of a highly sophisticated world in relation to the provision of a framework of stability and security that will allow for sustainable development to take place." Human security is pursued by all levels of a civil society. From the household to the tribe to the state, humans seek security. The stronger the cooperation, the more secure the state and its people. Regimes tend to operate in this fashion. In contrast, neoliberals seem to attribute the ideals of freedom and security to private power, and money (Thomas, 2001). Resolving this conflict is fundamental to the development of true global security. It won't be easy. Economic and political cooperation is key in achieving this goal. REFERENCES Chitty, Naren. (2005). Editor-in-Chief's Note. The Journal of Global Communication Research Association. Journal on-line. Available from http://gcra.uaeu/ac.ae/journal/dec2004/onte. pdf. Accessed 24 May 2006. Dancs, Anita. 2006. The Political Economy of Homeland Security in a Larger Security Context. Presented at the Eastern Economic Association Conference, Philadelphia, PA, 24-26 February Fitzgerald, Eamonn. 2003. German Media and Iraq: The good, the bad 30 July, Available from http://www.eamonn.com/2003/07/german_media_and_iraq_the_good.htm. Accessed 21 May 2006 Geiger, Eric. 2003. German Warnings Not Borne Out by Iraq War: Dire predictions look like anti-U.S. feeding frenzy in hindsight. San Francisco Chronicle, May 1, sec. A, p. 11 German Institute Reports Anti-US Bias in Media Coverage of Iraq War. 2003. Focus. Magazine on-line.Available from http://web4.infotrac.galegroup.com/itw/ Infomark/916/560/ 87005521w4/purl=rc1_GRGM_... Accessed 22 May 2006 Herman, Edward S. and Noam Chomsky. 1988. Manufacturing Consent: A Propaganda Model. New York, Pantheon Books Knightley, Phillip. 2002. The First Casualty. Baltimore, John Hopkins University Press. Krasner, Stephen G. 1983. International Regimes, Ithaca, NY, Cornell University Press. Media. 2006. German Embassy, Washington, D.C. Available from http://www.germany.info /relaunch/index.html. Accessed 21 May 2006 Regan, Tom. 2004. Media Knocked for Iraq War Coverage: Experts say US too soft, foreign media too hard. Christian Science Monitor, 11 February. Newspaper on-line. Available from http://www.globalexchange.org/countries/mideast/iraq/1604.html. Accessed 20 May 2006. Rogers, Paul. 2005. A World Becoming More Peaceful Human Security Report 2005. Report on-line. Available from http://www.humansecurityreport.info/index.phpoption= content&task=view&id=117 Accessed 22 May 2006 Thomas, Caroline. (2001). Global Governance, Development and Human Security: Exploring the links. Third World Quarterly 22(2), pp159-175. Wilkin, Peter. 2001. The Political Economy of Global Communication: An Introduction London, Pluto Press ZDF - German Public Television. 2006. Available from: http://www.zdf.de/ZDFde/inhalt/ 31/0,1872,2007487,00.html. Accessed 20 May 2003 Read More