How Does the Living Wage Relate to the Labor Movement - Research Paper Example

Employment Relation Module Introduction Living wage campaigns seek to compel private companies that receive public funds to pay their workers a decent wage. In general, the regulations cover employers who hold large city or county service contracts worth of tax in the state tax breaks and other subsidies for economic development. Over the years, however, the "living wage" phrase has been adapted to the various campaigns around working conditions, workers' rights to organize and enterprise reporting. Thus, the concept of a living wage is now useful to guide efforts to improve the state minimum wage and the city, even as the campaign to demand that public funds should not be used for union business or subsidized return public money if they do not meet established standards. Background As the living wage movement has matured, it became more aggressive and sophisticated. Typical cost of living requires the work of at least $ 8.50 an hour if the employer provides certain health benefits or about $ 10 if no health benefits are provided. Capitalizing on the high cost of living in the region of Santa Cruz wage campaign living wage has won a record $ 11 per hour for health insurance or $ 12 without (Elmore 2003). Many regulations required additional standards, such as paid leave and hiring local people. Living wage advocates are also included language intended to protect workers from the city, where contracts from hand to hand and to prohibit retaliation by employers against employees for asserting their rights under the order. However, other orders require companies to publicly report their employment, wages and benefits and to engage in the details of expenditure on urban public service contracts and economic incentives for development. Less frequent but perhaps more promising, a handful of living wage ordinances include language intended to facilitate the trade unions. Different ways, these laws or attempt to eliminate the anti-union employers and to encourage companies under the regulation to recognize the union through the card check process. This process is strongly supported by unions because it shows when the majority of workers sign cards indicating their desire to join the union - rather than requiring knowledge, slow and often forced the National Labour Relations electoral process Council. Unfortunately, it is a language of the map noted verifies walks fine line and vulnerable to legal challenges under the National Labour Relations Act. The campaign also sought new ways to extend the coverage of living wage ordinances. While the limited coverage of many previous decisions to those employed by city contractors, is now almost a third of the minimum subsistence laws on the books cover a city service contractors and firms receiving economic development assistance of the City (Mincer 2006). A handful of these laws are another step forward, extending the minimum subsistence requirements for contractors and lessees of these subsidized companies (I think the difference in the shopping centre was built with government subsidies or reduced tax office tower cleaning contractor). More recently, the campaign of Berkeley and Santa Monica have broadened the concept of a living wage even further, demanding a living wage by major employers located in highly developed areas of the waterfront tourists. Opposition As successes such as these mountains, it becomes inevitable opposition. The main players among the interests of business against the cost of living will not be a surprise to readers here. They have a food service and hospitality that benefit low-wage labour - including the National Federation of Independent Business and National Restaurant Association - and the local chambers of commerce. Before the victory in Santa Monica, great plot hotels sought to crush the living wage effort to promote the initiative false "living wage" ballot that would have covered almost no work and are included in the small print that prohibits future living wage ordinances (Edwards 2008). Thank you to an ambitious campaign cons, voters have rejected measures 80 to 20 percent of the vote. Reports of campaign spending-has shown that the hotels have spent more than a million dollars for not paying their employees enough to survive. In a last ditch effort, these same hotels are now trying to undo a resolution adopted democratically decent wage through another ballot initiative. Movement of Labour and Living Wage In 1997, the national AFL-CIO adopted a resolution on the Convention are committed to supporting local campaigns living wage. Almost all cookies Living wage campaign, some form of union participation. For many campaigns, the labour movement is an important partner in the coalition. In general, several key organizations working to provide active participation of drivers working in the local battle of the subsistence minimum. The key players are local unions of one or two (Neumark and Adams 2003), or central labour council - the city or metro coordination with the across the body, where residents can voluntarily party. In some cases, the working structures of the state - the National Federation of Labour - support the efforts of local living. Central Labour Council Revitalization This discussion included the organization of new member states, mobilizing existing members and to promote partnerships and campaigns that contribute to this work. Central Labour Councils (ACC) was considered vital for these efforts. In the past, many CIS have been ineffective, and those who had the agenda and determine the potential of its implementation have always limited their political activity in a close election and sporadic inter-union solidarity. With the new priorities of the AFL-CIO President John Sweeney, these agencies are encouraged to do more. In fact, the CLC has been positioned as the core of the AFL-CIO, the Cities Alliance, which promotes the creation of new alliances between labour and allies of the community, and a commitment to increase support for union organization through education, advocacy and political action. Enter campaigns minimum subsistence level. With the obvious potential for building partnerships and mobilizing political work, these local campaigns have been regarded as an important opportunity for many of the CIS and their local subsidiaries (Millon 2008). They offer popular and you can win that major reforms such as cranes to concerns of working conditions and wage an active interest in attracting a wide range of social organizations, religious leaders, political progressive, and other potential partners. Direct Links to the Organization Some of the most extensive efforts subsistence came from trade unions in sectors directly affected by living wage ordinances. International Service Trade Unions is an excellent example. Leader in these campaigns, SEIU represents workers in many low-wage industries, which are common goals of living wage ordinances, such as cleaning companies, rubbish bins, security guards and care workers home. Generally, unions of companies in these industries are in direct competition with non-union firms. Insofar as these companies compete with public funds - such as the city profit or county service contract - living wage ordinances have the potential to even the playing field between EU and non-union firms. Ongoing activity in Los Angeles is well illustrated by the organization of living wage may be associated with a specific program for unions during the construction of local movement for economic justice. Los Angeles led the country in job growth at low wages. The organization of these industries faces the challenge of growing a diverse workforce with a stable stream of immigration. These two factors encourage strategies of community organizing. Through the Alliance of Los Angeles for the New Economy (Lääne), Los Angeles wage campaign living wage was the database on the futures contract on the city and grants-making. The information can provide leverage point Lääne unions in contract negotiations and organizations. More recently, Los Angeles, activists won a preliminary agreement with the developers of the massive sports and entertainment. The agreement provides for communities and the many benefits of working that will reduce damage and enhance project benefits for local residents, including 20 percent affordable housing set-aside, (Kessler and Lawrence 2001) 70 percent of the goals of subsistence work, Grants open space, parking configuration differences, and financial assistance to community Development Corporation to nonprofit. This historic agreement represents the fruit more subsistence activities related to a revival of the labour movement is increasingly linked to community regeneration and development of a progressive agenda for the economic divide society more diverse. Wage campaign of living has also paved the way for SEIU Local 415 - the driving force behind the campaign - the organization of temporary workers in the city. Instead of labour contracts, the city of Santa Cruz hired up to 650 "temporary" employees who were paid less and offered fewer benefits to the town of 450 unions - members of SEIU 415. Supporting the rights of workers to organize is a clear goal of the campaign. Temporary workers were brought into the campaign as an active member and a public message to strategies of the coalition and lobbying reflects the priority of the organization. After winning a living wage, the City Council adopted a resolution recognizing the right to organize and harmonize time card verification and neutrality. Living Wage Law in the books can provide fuel for a high wage or a claim of trade unions. After the law was adopted by the Tucson, direct employees of the city demanded that they receive a living wage for contract workers, whose decision is technically covered. Working with the Communications Workers of America, city workers organized and won recognition, then the first contract for 1,200 workers earlier this year. Political Action With the AFL-CIO labour movement by supporting national redefine and strengthen the work of the Political Union, a campaign on the living wage policy options very useful. Increasingly, these campaigns have actually used the trade union activists and as a litmus test for candidates for public office as a tool for measuring the accountability of elected representatives, and training grounds for the preparation of our grassroots leaders in the presidential election (Martin 2001). Subsistence Broad Appeal also promises to bring new and under-votes in the democratic process. In Detroit, for example, the Metropolitan AFL-CIO placed the subsistence minimum for 1998 ballot in November, partly as a way to increase voter turnout in the city, offering a fascinating topic for voters. Building Community Alliances The distinguishing feature of living wage campaign is a wide range of local groups, which he collects. Not only the coalition typical subsistence requires manual labour, community and religious groups, he often turns to the approval and involvement of the group, besides the usual suspects of progressive activists. The strategic importance of some coalition of compounds may provide direct incentives for union leaders to participate actively in the campaign to wage. On the other hand, the increasing complexities with which the living wage of the campaign payroll has addressed the issue of profit, which receive public funds have allowed new alliances relate to those employers. The study of nonprofit employers in accordance with the laws of subsistence Detroit, most nonprofit organizations actually able to meet the requirements of a living wage with minimal financial impact. However, researchers also found that the minority has clear face significant financial obstacles. Over the past twenty years, the state shifts the burden of increasing the provision of social services in the nonprofit sector; though not always provide a level of resources necessary to carry out this work. Unions Living wage coalitions have the participation of all types of organizations, the study provides some of the resistively. First, the unions can bring their political relations. Even through the traditional business model candidate-endorsement/get-out-the-vote political union, work in a position to influence a local election. As a rule, at least some local Democrats and even some Republicans, seeking approval of the work, when a presidential candidate (Taylor 2003). Thus, unions can provide some level of access to elected officials. Secondly, serious, local organizations, trade unions may add to the legitimacy of the local campaign. In some circles, the involvement of key alliances can help develop the campaign into other community stakeholders. Unions can enhance the legitimacy and influence the campaign in the minds of the local media. Authority of the Union may also contribute to gain support from donors. Obviously, given that strikes the image of the trade union movement has taken over the past three decades, the participation of trade unions can also play against the campaign. Some community groups have a negative view of unions, the media can report on cost of living, as part of the Union and some donor activities to combat poverty can stay away from the efforts of organized labour. Finally, unions can provide specific resources for the campaign. The assets may include, but are not restricted to, cash, employees and volunteers. To be on the steering committee of the campaign of Chicago, for example, organizations should contribute to the initial $ 1000 and commit to turn on a busload of people a living wage shares. Several unions have also contributed their part-time employees working on the campaign. Restrictions on the Participation of Union While the labour movement has played an important and necessary in living wage activity of wage campaigns can also show the limits of the Union involvement. Most unions today have limited ability to mobilize at the local level. Some unions, like SEIU, through its Justice for Janitors campaign, which was built structures associated with the mobilization of the community. These unions are usually the easiest to attract living wage. Labour relations policies, which are a source of strength, could be to limit, if they are put forward as an exclusive strategy. While officials elected with the support of the work are often willing to protect subsistence, intent on creating a real campaign, the authorities are not served by insider controlled "legislative victories (Ehrenberg and Gerald 2005). This tension sometimes appears in discussing the strategy of the coalition. It is well connected union leaders are insisting on quieter" power lobbying strategies, while other local groups are calling for the mayor of picketing, public hearings, the definition of workers to put pressure on the board, the orientation of jobs with low wages and so on. Ultimately, most campaigns to negotiate this tension, and indeed, the success of the campaign in the interests of the two tracks - a combination of lobbying insiders and large, more control of public opposition. Finally, despite our previous discussion, it should be noted that the apparent connection between the main program and the local union living wage is not always related to strong unions. In fact, in some cases, unions and workers will benefit directly from the living wage cover wage out of campaign as a whole. In rare cases, local unions were hostile to the local campaign. For some, this reaction is the result of general interest to the new organization. Transformation of the Union Subsistence level provides a question that was the perfect tool to make the team in a growing battle. On the one hand, the cost of living caused popularity that finally has a good balance at the end. On the other hand, campaigns are not cakewalks. living wage proposals in general, sufficient to draw the opposition that some elected officials to show his true colours and even some supporters of cold feet, often return tends to support living wage laws of wages. Passing the order is rarely as straightforward as expected - test the responsibility of our elected officials and our determination as organizers (Machin and Manning 2004). Similarly, although the path to victory may be opened opportunities for progressive organizations for the campaign endorsers originally hoped or expected. These events prompted the Detroit Regional Chamber of Commerce and the Michigan Chamber of Commerce to lobby the state legislature controlled by Republicans to enact legislation prohibiting the government from taking wage requirements, which are in conflict with the law of the State minimum wage. Conclusion State and local leaders were also jumping into the battle to save the law Eastpointe subsistence. In April 2001, the Libertarian Party of Macomb County has decided to "save" the people of Eastpointe by gathering signatures of 287, is necessary for living wage ruling wage before voters - despite the fact that he City Council unanimously. The lesson might be universal i.e. applicable generally. When the trade unions to join active campaign subsistence, not only do they contribute to public policy change, they change. They join the efforts, which include many aspects of the framework needed to revitalize the labour movement as a progressive social force. As living wage campaigns, to become more ambitious, distributed in more conservative regions of the country, they offer even more promising than the beds of gradual reforms. Organization's future subsistence is part of the future of American trade unionism. References Edwards, P. K. (2008) “The Changing Employment Relationship: the Search for New Models” Paper to IPD/ESRC Employment Relations Seminar. Ehrenberg, Ronald G., and Gerald S. Goldstein (2005) "A Model of Public Sector Wage Determination" Journal of Urban Economics, Vol. 2, No. 3 (July), pp. 220-250. Elmore, A.J. (2003) Living wage laws and communities: Smarter economic development, lower than expected costs. Brennan Center for Justice at New York University School of Law. Kessler, Daniel P., and Lawrence Katz (2001) "Prevailing Wage Laws and Construction Labour Markets" Industrial and Labour Relations Review, Vol. 54, No. 2 (January), pp. 258-279. Machin, S., Manning, A. (2004), "Minimum Wages, Wage Dispersion and Employment: Evidence from the UK Wages Councils", Industrial and Labour Relations Review, Vol. 47 No.2. Martin, I. (2001) Dawn of the living wage: The diffusion of a redistributive municipal policy. Urban Affairs Review, 36, 469-498. Millon, David (2008) “Default Rules, Wealth Distribution, and Corporate Law Reform: Employment at Will Versus Job Security” University of Pennsylvania Law Review 146: 970-1045. Mincer, Jacob (2006) "Unemployment Effects of Minimum Wages" Journal of Political Economy, Vol. 84, No. 4, Pt. 2 (August), pp. S81-S105 Neumark, D. and S. Adams (2003) Do living wage ordinances reduce urban poverty? The Journal of Human Resources, 38, 488-520. Taylor, R. (2003) The Future of Employment Relations. Economic and Social Research Council, Swindon. Read More