Analysis of Celebrity Advertising - Research Paper Example

Analysis of Celebrity Advertising Celebrity advertisement is a popular practice among the marketer and professionals. They use the attractiveness of a celebrity to communicate about their product or services to their target consumers and stakeholders. According to Gabler (2001) celebrity is a personality who is recognized by a large section of population for his or her name, work, voice and other recognizable attributes (p.2). There are plenty of examples in the present day where some celebrity is participating in an advertising process. Celebrities can be categorized on the basis of the appeal they have for different target groups such as actors, actresses, athletes, authors, political figure, personality and others. However there is a huge cost factor associated with these celebrities. Forbes (2010) list includes top five celebrity endorsers from the categories of personalities, musician, directors and athletes. On the basis of payment factors Oprah Winfrey tops the list with the $315 million for every endorsement she has. This is followed by Hames Cameron with $210 million, U2 with $130 millions, Tyler Perry with $120 millions and Micheal Bay with $120 millions. U2 are in the category of musicians whereas the remaining are directors or producers. Generally, these celebrity endorsers are different in their money, TV/Radio, Press, Web and social ranks (Forbes, 2010). . There have been various research from the past that covers different aspects of the celebrity endorsements from understanding model of celebrity endorsement (2004); personality fit of celebrity with brand/product endorsed (Dees, Bennett and Ferreira 2010); false endorsement (Cooper, 2010); role of gender in celebrity endorsement (Grow, 2008); role of celebrity advertising in corporate social responsibilities or social cause activities (Johnston, 2006); role of culture and influence of culture in the use of celebrity (Kalliny, Beydoun, Saran and Gentry, 2009; Louie and Yi, 2009) and many others. Different scholars and researcher have explored underlying aspects of the celebrity advertisement which offers an opportunity to develop a discourse for understanding effectiveness of celebrity advertising. Role of celebrity advertising in an overall branding process seem to have appeal at various levels. This appeal is for creating awareness of the brand, enhancing its perceived quality, developing loyalty for the brand, increasing the association of the target audience with the brand, helping customers to interpreting the information with the image of celebrity and all these factors helps improving the leverage of the brand (Koernig and Boyd, 2009). The three main aspects of the celebrity endorsement as identified by Halonen-Knight and Hurmerinta (2010) are brand or company, celebrity endorser and endorsement actions. Endorsement action is a process wherein company compensates the celebrity for associating its brand with the meanings and associations of the endorsers at an agreed upon financial compensation (Halonen-Knight and Hurmerinta, 2010). Wang (2005) argues that endorsement is not but a level of agreement that is created among different sources and groups. These help in strengthening the strength of message and create a consensus in favor of the product or services (p. 403). McCracken (1989) listed four modes of celebrity endorsements explicit, implicit, and imperative and co-present mode (p. 311). All these modes are differently used by the advertiser to maximize the appeal of brand and product. Celebrity endorses product in the explicit mode of advertising whereas as in implicit mode he claims to be using the same product. Audiences are encouraged to use the product in the case of imperative mode whereas co-present mode celebrity appears on the advertisement of products endorsed by them. There are various theoretical explanations for the celebrity advertisement and its appeal. Some researchers’ have linked with dynamic, attractive and likable qualities of celebrity, transfer of cultural meanings, physical attractiveness in the cases of sports celebrities and others. In last three decades numerous studies have been conducted in order to develop an appropriate model of understanding the celebrity advertising process such as Source Attractiveness model, Source Credibility, product match-up proposition and cultural meaning transfer models (Baker and Churchill 1977; McGuire 1985 Kamins et al. 1989, Kamins and Gupta 1994 as cited in McCracken 2005; p 98). Source Attractiveness Model is based on the concepts of familiarity and similarity of the source (McCracken, 2005, p 97-100). This allows knowledge exposure which leads to developing positive perception for the product or service endorsed by the celebrity. Favourable attitudes of consumers regarding the advertisement in this model depend on the attractiveness and persuasiveness of the celebrity. The pop stars, movie actors and actresses and models would fall under this category. Source Credibility Model focuses on expertness and trustworthiness of the source. The message of the advertisement for celebrity endorsements falling under this category are based on expertness and trustworthiness of the source (McCracken, 2005, p 100) that leads to the value assertiveness for the product and making it persuasive among the target consumer groups. Cultural Meaning Transfer Model covers the transfer of meaning different context of celebrity endorsement. McCracken (2005) has provided the meaning movement and endorsement model for celebrity endorsement wherein he describes three stages (culture, endorsement and consumption) of meaning transfer (p 112). Endorsement appeals special category of target consumers and presence of celebrity makes these target consumers developing powerful meanings from that endorsement. Presence of celebrities in the endorsements adds to the depth and power of the overall message and appeal (McCracken, 2005, p.112). Product Match-up Model depends on the relatedness of the products endorsed by a celebrity. Message is conveyed in a manner by the celebrity that enhances the overall congruity of the brand with celebrity (Wang, 2005; p.404). The formation of celebrity image and transfer of the meaning from celebrity to product and than product to consumer are the main aspects of this model. Celebrity endorsement is a costly affair. It is discussed in previous section that celebrity charges for their endorsements in all the activities with commercial objectives. According to Badenhausen (2010) Tiger Woods has earned more than $110 millions in the ten years of time by 2009 which was increase of 120% of his income (para. 2). The list of Tiger Woods’ endorsement brands included sports brands like Nike, financial products like American Express, accessories like Rolex, personal care products like Gillette and many others (Ruihley, Runyan and Lear, 2010). However the alleged sex scandal of Woods has cost him and companies he endorsed a huge sum of money. According to economists, shareholders of the companies endorsed by Woods have faced the combined losses of $12 billion (Rose, 2010, para. 3). According to Patel (2009) celebrities helps in connecting with the brand quickly and easily and helps the product to stand out of the ways from the other products of similar category (p.37). It adds some kind of credibility to the brand. There are various factors liked with a celebrity that can positively influence the overall appeal of the brand and vice versa. The profession of celebrity offers the fit to overall branding efforts. A celebrity brand user automatically turns the positive image of brand among the fans and followers of the celebrity. The availability of celebrity for a particular brand can be affected by many aspects of the market place. For instance a celebrity endorsing Nike would not be endorsing similar or competing brand. Celebrities can have appeal limited to certain geographic location or internationally. In most of the cases, sports celebrities or movie stars have the fan following across various nations. Celebrity endorsement is very effective in the world of advertising (Halonen-Knight and Hurmerinta, 2008, p. 456). This is due to the reason that people love to see their favourite celebrities very often and this interest becomes the main driver for the advertiser to use celebrity (Johnston, 2006, p. 40). This can be helpful for creating and promoting an international brand such as Miley Cyrus as a Teen Diva has global presence as her serial Hannah Montanan has been telecasted across various nations from western countries to English speaking countries as well as dubbed versions in local languages to many counties where Disney channel was available. Miley Cyrus endorsed range of teenage and fashion products, food items and musical instruments like Daisy Rock Guitars and others. She has been face of many of Disney consumer products and music videos and other promotions (Forbes, 2010). There are various risks come from different aspects of the celebrity traits, performance and social behavior in the case of celebrity endorsements. Dhotre and Bhola (2010) have listed various studies and authors who have provided different prospects of the celebrity endorsements such as positive responses linked with celebrity endorsement that leads to the increase in sales of the product or services (Atkin and Block, 1983) (p. 28). Celebrity influences the purchase intentions of the prospective consumers. Higher is the image of celebrity for the consumer, more would be the chances for the brand to be purchased by the prospective client. Advertising agencies create publicity and gain attention of the potential consumers and other stakeholders with the effective use of celebrity in the same. This helps in positive product image and company image and favorable response for the range of products and services for the company. Thesis and Three Scopes: However, in spite of the high cost of celebrity endorsement, marketers use celebrity endorsement for strengthening the brand, enhancing the credibility of the products, and increasing the sales figures. Celebrity endorsement is used for strengthening the brand value. Celebrity advertising offers an effective strategic tool for marketing communications. It helps the advertisers making advertisements liked by the target consumer segments and increases the familiarity, trustworthiness and reliability of the brand (Bush, Bush and Martin, 2004; p 108). Consumers are motivated to buy or try the product. The impression of product being endorsed and used by a celebrity of a fan (implicit endorsement) develops a positive image of the brand (Carol, 2008; p.148). Gabler (2001) linked the function of ‘well-knownness’ as a tangible aspect of a celebrity (p.2). However values attached to a celebrity changes with time with respect to the popularity among the target segment. The real life performance of celebrity has influence on the product or brand endorsed by the celebrity (Bush, Bush and Martin, 2004). The sensational and excitement values of a celebrity help developing the meaning of individual and his description of the brand and product endorsed by the celebrity (Gabler, 2001, p 9). Many consumers consider the testimonials of celebrities for the purchasing decisions. The second factor is the credibility transfer from celebrity to the brand. According to McCracken (2005) celebrities reinforce the trustworthiness of the brand with their presence (p. 100). According to McCracken (2005) source attractiveness and source credibility models provide better reflection of the celebrity endorsement. Both of these models are based on social-psychological approach (p.98). The Source credibility model can be applied effectively to understand the credibility transfer from celebrity to the brand. Source credibility model reflects the expertness and trustworthiness of the celebrity. Celebrities with consistent performance in their areas are favored by the advertisers in the financial and banking organizations. People expect their celebrities using the same product they are endorsing. There are various factors such as attitude and perception of individual customers, internalization process in which receiver accept the information provided by any advertisement using celebrity to be fit with his value, attitude and perception. Therefore message trustworthiness is an important aspect of the source credibility model. Sales and endorsement are linked with each other. There are some studies that indicate the relationship between celebrity endorsement and sales figure of the organisation. The perfect example for the same is Oprah Winfrey who has remarkable impact on the sales of any brand she mentions or endorses (Garthwaite and Moore, 2008; p. 8). It is reported in the studies by Ruihley, Runyan, Karen and Leear (2010) where the link between the endorsements by sports celebrities and increase in sales (p. 134). The sports celebrity endorsements have evident impact on the product recall and the brand choice of the consumers in a favorable manner. Consumers could recall the brands endorsed by their favorite celebrity stars leading to differentiating the brand among the gamut of choices available to the consumers (Ruihley et al, 2010, p. 137) Other study reporting direct influence of the sales of Ciao Bella blood orange sorbet that was endorsed by Oprah Winfrey. The website of the company received 3 million hits as compared to 175000 hits prior to the week this sorbet was included in Oprah’s 3007 list. The overall sales increase for the other product Clarisonic skin-care system increased by 10 fold in one week after it was endorsed by Oprah (Garthwaite and Moore, 2008; p.7-8). Similarly the sales of ‘Liverstrong’ bracelets were increased by 300000 in a day after the endorsement by Oprah (p.8). This is one of the reasons of Oprah Winfrey is the most preferred celebrity by the advertising companies and agencies. Garthwaite and Moore (2008) studied the impact of Oprah Winfrey’s endorsement of Barack Obama during the 2008 Democratic Presidential Primary. This study concluded that the political outcome of Obama’s career was significantly affected by the involvement of Winfrey who added to the favorable image of Obama among millions of Americans irrespective of their social and ethnic backgrounds (Garthwaite and Moore, 2008; p 39). Marketers and advertisers try to find a good fit between the celebrities and their brand. They need to be careful at this stage as choosing wrong celebrity would result in the failures of achieving the goals of the celebrity endorsement. There needs to have an association of the brand and celebrity so that the audience remembers the brand. In the absence of this kind of association, audience might remember the celebrity only and fail to recall the brand. There are the possibilities that the image of the celebrity overshadows the identity of the brand. Hence the advertisers are required to take any decision in the advance stage when the decision for use of celebrity in the advertisement process is being made. A clear concept of celebrity endorsement and define set of objectives help in avoiding any situation in which brand image is overshadowed by celebrity image. Sometimes celebrity endorsing many brands may also lead to the confusion among the target audience. Celebrity endorsement adds to the overall effectiveness of the advertisement that can have informative, humorous, sentimental or other themes, so that message can be retained by the target audience group. The message should be developed with respect to the demographics and socio-economic conditions of the consumer. This is clear from the literature review that celebrities offer value as well as risk to the product or services. A celebrity when is in the peak of his or her career can offer a good value to the advertising and branding people to reach to the consumers effectively and develop favourable image or purchase intention for the same (Dhotre and Bhola, 2010, p. 38). This depends on the advertisement and business objective of the firm. Companies can use celebrity to create differentiation for their products and services, reach to the same target audience who are fans or followers of the celebrity or simple trigger the sales (Garthwaite and Moore, 2008, p. 39). Two most important factor of celebrity endorsement are cost and effectiveness of celebrity to achieve marketing objectives. Celebrities costs much to the company and in most of the cases these are ideal and justified. The unpleasant incidences like scandal, substance abuse and others that attract bad publicity for the celebrity and affects his or her endorsement values too like alleged involvement of Tiger Woods in sex scandal. Not every brand utilizes celebrity endorsers. The image and personality of the celebrity gets linked with the product he endorses. Therefore the overall value creation can go beyond the statistical calculations of the impact. Similarly the impact of negative aspects of the celebrity can have harsher impact on the sales and overall image of the brand it endorses. Even though celebrity advertising is not risk free options for the advertisers, it offers quick solution to the situations where advertisers lack in idea or most appropriate tool for reaching or influencing their target consumer groups. This is clear from the previous studies that celebrities provide an effective platform for the advertisers to reach to their target market, consumers and other stakeholders. Celebrities offer values which have high cost implications for the companies. Celebrities can be from regional or local level to the global or international celebrities (Kalliny, Beydoun, Saran and Gentry, 2009). The advertising objectives determine the choice of any celebrity for particular product or service. If an advertiser is focusing on sales than also celebrity endorsement is empirically providing strong evidences of growth of sales and the cost of celebrity endorsement can be justified with the same. Use of celebrity makes the advertisement believable and reliable among the target consumers. This can lead to various actions taken by the consumers such as trying of new product or service, having the impression that their celebrity also uses the same product and service and leads to creating favourable environment for the brand. The more is the relatedness of the consumer with a message in an endorsement advertisement; the better would be the chances of product recall during the purchase process. This is an effective tool for marketing communication. However the use of celebrity endorsing many brands needs to be avoided as it leads to blurring the impact of celebrity and creating delusion among the target audience. REFERENCE Badenhausen, K. (2010). The world's highest-paid athletes. Forbes.,Retrieved on 12 November 2010 from http://www.forbes.com/2009/06/t7/top-earning-athletes-business-sports-top-earning-athletes.html Bush, A. J., Bush V. D and Martin C.A (2004) Sports Celebrity Influence on the Behavioral Intentions of Generation Y., Journal of Advertising Research. 44.(1) , Pg 108, Cambridge University Press Carroll, A (2008) Brand communications in fashion categories using celebrity endorsement, Brand Management, The Journal of Brand Management, 17, (2), October 2009 , pp. 146-158(13) Cooper, M. A. (2010). Publicity Rights, False Endorsement and the Effective Protection of Private Property. Harvard Journal of Law & Public Policy, 33(2), 841-850 Cox, P. L. (2004). Charles Lindbergh and Mobiloil: the New Model for Modern Celebrity Endorsement. Journalism History, 30(2), 98-121 Dees, W., Bennett, G., & Ferreira, M. (2010). Personality Fit in Nascar: an Evaluation of Driver-sponsor Congruence and Its Impact on Sponsorship Effectiveness Outcomes. Sport Marketing Quarterly, 19(1), 25-39 Dhotre, M P and Bhola S S (2010) Analytical Study of Association Between Celebrity Advertising and Brand Recall, The IUP Journal of Brand Management, Vol. VII, Nos. 1 & 2, pp. 25-50 2010 Gabler, N. (2001 Toward a New Definition of Celebrity,The Norman Lear Center, Annenberg School of Communication, University of Southern California Retrieved November 12, 2010, from www.learcenter.org/pdf/Gabler.pdf Garthwaite, C and Moore, T J (2008, September) The Role of Celebrity Endorsements in Politics: Oprah, Obama, and the 2008 Democratic Primary retrieved on 12 November 2010 from http://econweb.umd.edu/~garthwaite/celebrityendorsements_garthwaitemoore.pdf Grow, J. M. (2008). The Gender of Branding: Early Nike Women's Advertising a Feminist Antenarrative. Women's Studies in Communication, 31(3), 312-341 Halonen-Knight, E and Hurmerinta, L(2010) "Who endorses whom? Meanings transfer in celebrity endorsement", Journal of Product & Brand Management, Vol. 19 Iss: 6, pp.452 - 460 Johnston, K. B. (2006, July). Celebrity Activists: Hollywood's Humanitarian Helpers Direct More Attention to Global Hot Spots. but Does It Help?. Sojourners Magazine, 35, 38-44. Questia database Kalliny, M., Beydoun, A., Saran, A., & Gentry, L. (2009). Cultural Differences in Television Celebrity Use in the United States and Lebanon. Journal of International Business Research, 8(1), Questia database: Koernig, S. K., & Boyd, T. C. (2009). To Catch a Tiger or Let Him Go: the Match-up Effect and Athlete Endorsers for Sport and Non-sport Brands. Sport Marketing Quarterly, 18(1), 25-44 Louie, T. A., & Yi, J. C. (2009). Cultural Influences on Young Adult Consumers' Attraction to Media Personalities: an Examination of Americans and Koreans.Journal of Global Business Issues, 3(1), 33-39 Magubane, Z. (2008). The (Product) Red Man's Burden: Charity, Celebrity, and the Contradictions of Coevalness. The Journal of Pan African Studies (Online), 2(6), 134-154, Questia Database McCracken, G. (1989), "Who is the Celebrity Endorser? Cultural Foundation of the Endorsement Process", Journal of Consumer Research, 16, (December), pp. 310-321. McCracken, G D, (2005) Culture and consumption II: markets, meaning, and brand management, Indiana University Press Patel, P C (2009) Impact of Celebrity Endorsement on Brand Acceptance, ICFAI University Press Rose, L (2010, January 25)The 10 Most Trusted Celebrities retrieved on 17 November 2010 from http://www.forbes.com/2010/01/25/most-trusted-celebrities-business-entertainment-trust.html Ruihley, R J, Runyan, R C and Karen E. Lear (2010) The Use of Sport Celebrities in Advertising: A Replication and Extension, Sport Marketing Quarterly, 2010, 19, 132-142, © 2010 West Virginia University The Celebrity 100, Forbes Retrieved November 17, 2010 from http://www.forbes.com/lists/2010/53/celeb-100-10_The-Celebrity-100.html Wang A. (2005) The Effects of Expert and Consumer Endorsements on Audience Response, Journal of Advertising Research, 45 (4), p 402-422, Cambridge University Press Appendix: List of articles used in the study   Charles Lindbergh and Mobiloil: the New Model for Modern Celebrity Endorsement by Patrick L. Cox Charles Lindbergh's 1927 solo flight in the "Spirit of St. Louis" from New York to Paris made the young, unknown aviator an overnight, internationally known celebrity. The press nicknamed him "Lucky Lindy" and the "Lone Eagle." Immediately after his journey, he received dozens of awards and became the premier figure in celebrations and parades in Europe, South America, Canada, and the United States. He flew the "Spirit of St. Louis" on a nationwide tour, creating widespread public support for air travel and airmail, and President Calvin Coolidge gave Lindbergh the Congressional Medal of Honor and the Distinguished Hying Cross for his achievement. As the New York Times stated on the fiftieth anniversary of his trans-Atlantic flight, "A fame enveloped the 25-year-old American that was to last him for the remainder of his life, transforming him in a frenzied instant from an obscure aviator into a historical figure."1 "Lindbergh put the spotlight on aviation as never before," said F. Robert van der Linden, a historian and curator at the National Air and Space Museum. "All of a sudden, you saw people pouring millions of dollars into aviation investments, and in the 1930's passenger service to Europe would start." American historian Daniel Boorstin concluded that Lindbergh "performed single-handed one of the heroic deeds of the century." In his biography Lindbergh, Leonard Mosley stated the solo flight across the Atlantic created an unprecedented international sensation. "To millions of simple people, he was no longer flying for himself but for humanity; he was not simply flying to Paris but blazing the trail to a better life."2 After his monumental flight, Lindbergh assumed a leadership role in transforming the aviation industry. Within a few years, aircraft construction boomed, and all of the major cities in the nation had airports. While these accolades bestowed on him were valid, many historians and journalists have overlooked his contribution to public relations and advertising history. "Lucky Lindy" became one of the first and most successful high-profile international celebrities associated with a consumer product-Mobiloil. Shortly after his dramatic arrival in Paris, he cabled the Vacuum Oil Company, the producer of Mobiloil: "In my flight from New York to Paris my engine was lubricated with Gargoyle Mobiloil 'B' and I am happy to say that it gave me every satisfaction. My engine functioned perfectly." As part of a carefully planned advertising and promotional campaign, the corporation that produced Mobiloil began to reap immense benefits from his notoriety.3 Lindbergh never received what today would be termed an endorsement contract from the oil company. However, he clearly gained fame and fortune from the association. For the Vacuum Oil Company, the refiner of Mobiloil, Lindbergh and the "Spirit of St. Louis" became the number one feature in an advertising and public relations campaign for many years. The young aviator rejected a million dollar movie contract offer from William Randolph Hearst and turned down endorsement offers from cigarette makers. He later accepted consulting contracts from Pan American Airways and Transcontinental Air Transport (later TWA) and ultimately became a millionaire. In a highly competitive arena in the expanding domestic oil and gas market of the 1920's, his celebrity status created a sales boom for the company and helped establish Vacuum and Mobiloil as a cutting edge petroleum business. In an era in which progress was beginning to be measured by material production and consumption, Lindbergh provided an entirely new dimension. The modern consumer economy shaped the national identity, and he put a face on this expanding culture. This new information about him comes from the ExxonMobil Historical Collection at the Center for American History at the University of Texas in Austin, which will be available for research within the next two years.4 The Exxon Mobil Corporation donated its historical collection to the Center for American History in October 2003. The collection, estimated to have a market value of $10 million, contains records from the modem corporation and its predecessor companies. The historical documents, some dating back to the nineteenth century, document John D. Rockefeller, his partners Henry Plagier and H.C. Folger, and the early years of Standard oil. A small but significant portion of the archive includes corporate information, photographs, advertisements, and promotional materials associated with Lindbergh's famous 1927 flight. Larry R. Faulkner, president of the University of Texas, stated at the announcement ceremony, "This archive solidifies the reputation of the Center for American History as one of the nation's premier locations for research into U.S. history. ExxonMobil's generous decision to place its documentary heritage at the university and at the center ensures that a significant body of historical information will be preserved and available for teaching and research on a wide variety of subjects." "This is an incredibly important collection of a vast array of historically significant items documenting the creation, development and accomplishments of a number of industries from energy, to advertisingand marketing, to the modern corporate structure as we know it today," said Don Carleton, director of .the Center for American History. "The collection is a treasure trove of valuable material for researchers and scholars interested in economic, cultural and communications history." When Exxon and Mobil merged in 1999, the companies brought with them a shared yet separate history that spans more than 120 years. ExxonMobil's Historical Collection includes artifacts and documents dating back to Exxon's and Mobil's earliest predecessor companies from the 1870s through the creation and operation of Standard Oil Company, the corporate forefather of Exxon, Mobil, and other major oil companies. The archives contain one of the most comprehensive broadcast advertising collections on record, 1.5 million original photographs, and an equally extensive collection of posters, graphics, and publications. Artifacts, including historical signs and gas pumps, also are part of the collection. "The history of ExxonMobil is more than just a corporate timeline," said Rex W. Tillerson, president of Exxon Mobil Corporation. "Our historical archives contain a business, cultural and social history that covers more than a century. As these archives reflect the important role that energy has played in the history of our nation and world, we felt the collection needed to be appropriately preserved and managed by an organization that could share this history with interested scholars and researchers. The Center for American History at the University of Texas at Austin was a natural choice because of the center's impeccable reputation."5 From World War I to the advent of the Depression in 1929, the advertising boom roared along with the soaring post-war American economy. Advertising was already an established institution for promoting mass consumption. With a growing consumer economy in the jazz age of the 1920's, image advertising became the model for corporations seeking to expand their national markets. Adventure, romance, sex, social status, and energy served as themes for advertising agencies and their corporate clients. Businesses also needed a reliable, trusted link to the American consumer that would enhance their products. In addition, linking a significant achievement with scientific advancement and progress provided an additional stimulus for corporate sponsors in competitive markets. The petroleum business in this era reflected the expansion and awareness of consumer culture in the 1920's. John D. Rockefeller's Standard oil Company no longer dominated the American market as it had in previous decades because the Supreme Court ordered the breakup of the massive company in 1911 into thirty-three corporations. Two of the largest companies to emerge from the division were the Standard Oil Company of New York (Socony) and the Vacuum Oil Company, one of the early petroleum companies acquked by Rockefeller and Standard Oil during the 1870's. Vacuum Oil built its reputation on research, refining, and petroleum-based lubrication products (Socony and Vacuum merged in 1931 and the company name changed to Socony Mobil in 1955 before it finally became Mobil Oil in the 1960's). In an effort to promote its products and increase sales and market share, Vacuum embarked on a unique project that involved sponsorship of Lindbergh's proposed flight across the Atlantic.6 Lindbergh competed against a number of well-known aviators to achieve the goal of a flight across the Atlantic with a $25,000 prize awaiting the first pilot or crew to complete the flight. He understood the value of the accomplishment would be more than the cash reward. He carefully lined up investors for the plane and secured sponsorships from Mobiloil, Vacuum, and the Wright Aeronautical Company, the maker of the "Spirit of St. Louis." Other celebrities, notably stars of silent films and sports figures, began to make commercial endorsements at the time for cigarettes, soap, and cosmetics. Film stars capitalized on the new trend as they appeared without compensation in advertisements and promotions. "To them, publicity was more important," said media historian Edd Applegate.Advertising firms and corporations, capitalizing on the economic expansion, urban concentration, and consumer ideology, began to realize that famous names could promote their products. Lindbergh took his celebrity status and promotional skills to heights never before witnessed in America or Europe, exceeding the exposure of 1920's film stars such as Douglas Fairbanks and Mary Pickford. Although he earned notoriety for his trans-atlantic solo flight, he utilized the Vacuum oil corporate network of employees and services on the flight on both sides of the ocean. In addition, by nature and temperament, he fit neady into the corporate world while assuming the role of conquering hero.7 The manufacturers of the Wright Whirlwind motor, the single engine that powered the "Spirit of St. Louis," provided the recommendation for Mobiloil. Many commercial pilots and barnstormers used Mobiloil as the lubricants for their planes. The Wright Company constructed the "Spirit of St. Louis" in San Diego, California, specifically for the trans-Atlantic flight, and then Lindbergh flew it from San Diego to St. Louis and to New York. As he prepared to fly east from San Diego, he wired the Vacuum oil Company headquarters in New York City: "[H]ave taken the liberty of shipping you ten barrels of western standard aviation gasoline which will be used on New YorkParis flight. Am using Standard aviation gasoline and Gargoyle Mobiloil 'B' exclusively Stop Will pick up gasoline and oil on arrival in New York." Vacuum Oil company representatives arranged for fuel, oil, and other necessities, including a passport, for his journey. Apparently Lindbergh thought he might have to have the required documents for his visit to France. Vacuum company representatives filled the plane with gas and oil, and photographs documenting the event were taken before his departure in the early morning hours of May 20,1927. Vacuum officials in Paris provided the lights at Le Bourget Field in Paris and drained the oil from the plane's crankcase.8 As people on both sides of the Atlantic celebrated, Mobiloil advertisements appeared literally overnight in the nation's newspapers and magazines. Through its advertising agency, the Blackman Company, Vacuum had prepared an extensive campaign in anticipation of the successful event. Lindbergh landed in Paris on Saturday, May 21, and the Sunday and Monday editions of the nation's leading newspapers carried full-page advertisements that included, "Again-Mobiloil! Lindbergh uses Gargoyle Mobiloil in thrilling air race across the Atlantic from New York to Paris." The advertisements appeared in 162 newspapers across the nation. Shortly thereafter, the Saturday Evening Post, the Literary Digest, Collier's, and the American Magazine also carried the advertisements.9 The company provided thousands of broadsides to service stations and garages throughout the nation. Photographs of Lindbergh, the "Spirit of St. Louis," and scenes of Paris appeared on the broadsides that proclaimed, "New York to Paris with Mobiloil-Lindbergh Wins Air Race Across the Atlantic." The company instructed dealers to tell their customers: "No one had to ask Lindbergh to use Mobiloil-he knew it was good from actual use-your car can have the same safe protection against engine trouble that Lindbergh's plane had during its hazardous journey." Vacuum publications stated "this event has won a great deal of prestige for our Company and it is only good business practice that we should take advantage of it in every way possible." For years, independent and company retailers received memoranda providing advice for local advertising and promotions using the Lindbergh story.10 Vacuum officials, who were associated with Lindbergh, appeared on national radio programs to discuss the background and significance of the flight. L.B. Umlauf, an aviation engineer for Vacuum, recounted a story of the pilot and the plane to the radio audience. "Captain Lindbergh had used Mobiloil himself in many flights and was convinced that was what he wanted," he stated. The oil in the engine crankcase was "Gargoyle Mobiloil 'B'-not a special oil but just the regular oil that you may be using in your own car."11 Vacuum oil took advantage of Lindbergh's international fame to promote its products overseas. The company provided advertisements, handbills, and brochures in many languages throughout Europe with images of Lindbergh, the airplane, statistics of his flight, and information on Mobiloil flooding consumers. As in the United States, printed materials and advertisements appeared within days following his Paris arrival. The Vacuum Oil News noted that Lindbergh received no endorsement fees because he "refused to commercialize his exploit, refusing offers for the use of his name that would have made him wealthy and offers that custom has almost sanctioned not only as legitimate but entirely proper." However, he recognized the efforts "of those scientists, inventors, adventurers and artisans who brought science and the practice of aviation to the point where a New York to Paris flight might be accomplished."12 The advertising and marketing efforts apparently worked: the company reported an immediate boost in demand for products associated with Lindbergh. But one unforeseen problem developed. The advertisements and articles carried photographs and descriptions related to Lindbergh's use of Mobiloil B, while for automobiles a series of different grades of oil were recommended. For example, Ford engines used Mobiloil "E" while General Motors vehicles used Mobiloil "A." A company report stated that following the massive Lindbergh advertising and public relations campaign, "Mobiloil dealers were swamped by motorists who demanded Mobiloil 'B' for their cars. Many customers simply could not be persuaded that lighterweight Mobiloil W would be best for their car engines. If Lindbergh used Mobiloil 'B' then by golly they were going to use it."13 Lindbergh filled an unprecedented role for Mobiloil and the history of advertising and public relations. The Vacuum Oil Company Record described Lindbergh in its promotions to its dealers: "He is the perfect sportsman, the personification of youthful courage, the spirit of adventure and romance." Young, intelligent:, courageous, and single, he filled the role of a dashing, photogenic, and enterprising American and embodied the idea of scientific advancement that could provide a positive economic and social change. He seemed to be on the edge of the new frontier of aeronautics, which was still a relatively undeveloped industry in 1927. Untarnished by scandal or vice, he must have appeared perfect to oil company and advertising executives. As Chris Rojek stated in Celebrity, "celebrities humanize the process of commodity distribution." For corporate sponsors, Lindbergh provided the standard for utilizing a recognized personality for brand marketing that would continue in the twenty-first century. Celebrity status, along with brand marketing, solidified the image of both the individual and the corporation. After him, celebrities, especially those who captured extensive media and public attention, became part of the modern advertising and public relations culture.14 Even in the contemporary media age, the worldwide recognition and reception Lindbergh received is almost unimaginable. Neil Armstrong's landing on the moon produced an equivalent reaction that captured scientific achievement and emotion that crossed national boundaries. In the late 1920's, Lindbergh became one of the most recognizable and admired individuals on the international scene, ushering in a new era of celebrity marketing and advertising that changed an industry as well as the face of American culture. As Leo Brandy noted in The Frenzy of Renown: Fame and Its History, "Lindbergh's own temperament meshed so invisibly and so tightly with the heroic conception of the flier that it seemed as if fate had reached out, placed him aboard 'The Spirit of St. Louis,' and sent them both across the Atlantic to the cheering crowds that awaited in France."15 The Center for American History at the University of Texas is a special collections library, archive, and museum that facilitates research and sponsors programs on the historical development of the United States. It supports research and education by acquiring, preserving, and making accessible research collections and by sponsoring exhibitions, conferences, symposia, oral history projects, publications, fellowships, and grant-funded initiatives. The Center's resources and services support the university's curriculum and university faculty, student, and staff research, as well as research by the public. The Institute for American News Media History and the Media History Archives (http://www.cah.utexas.edu/guides/media.html) is one of the most rapidly expanding collection components in the Center and reflects its partnership with the university's College of Communication. The Media History Archives includes the papers of media professionals, the archives of media industries, the archives of photojournalists, and special-focus collections on media issues. Collections in the Media History Archives are available at the Center's Research and Collections Division in Sid Richardson Hall Unit 2 on the main university campus in Austin. Some collections in the Media History Archives have copyright and/or donor restrictions. New York Publications and Newsweek Magazine-Morgues and Files (at http://www.cah.utexas.edu/ncwspapers/morgues.html #newsweck). New York Herald Tribune. This morgue of more than 15 million clippings was acquired by the Center for American History in 1995. During its existence, the Herald Tribune covered politics at the local, state, national, and international levels, sports, New York culture and society, theater, and the arts as well as all of the major events of the time. The Center does not have the Herald Tribune's photographs morgue. Photographic requests should be directed to the Queens Borough Public Library's Long Island Division. Biographical files, which make up the bulk of the collection, were established for persons mentioned in a Herald Tribune article. There is no index to the biographical files, which are arranged in rough alphabetical order within the morgue cabinets. Subject files contain information on a wide range of topics and are organized into general subjects with subheadings. The subject "Accidents," for example, contains subheadings for "Automobile," "Hunting," "Runaway Animals," and "Runaway Elevators." These topical files also include clippings from several other New York area newspapers, such as the Brooklyn Eagle and the New York Post. Some of the files also contain related documents, such as press releases, reporters' unedited typescripts, and reports from government and private organizations. The morgue came to the Center for American History with an established subject index in the form of 5x7-inch index cards. These index boxes are in the process of being transferred to an electronic format. Until this document becomes available, patrons must request index boxes for use in the reading room and select files for research from this topical list. Although the New York Herald Tribune is available on microfilm, no index to the newspaper exists. New York Journal American (ca. 1900-ca. 1966). This morgue of approximately 9 million clippings was transferred to the Center for American History by the Harry Ransom Humanities Research Center (HRC), which had received it in 1967. The HRC Photograph Division still retains the photographs morgue. The Journal American clippings morgue is divided into biographical, subject, and geographical categories. The clippings are not only from Hearst's publications in their various daily editions but also from competitors and even some magazines. The morgue came to the Center with no inventory or index, and the Center has been working for several years on rudimentary, handwritten checklists of the materials in the cabinets. These checklists are available to the public on a limited basis. New York Times (ca. 1910-ca.1989). This morgue's 2,500 linear feet of subject files were donated to the Center for American History by the New York Times Corp. in 1998. The Center does not maintain the New York Times biographical clippings morgue nor the newspaper's photographs morgue. The Times is the only publication recognized for consistently covering news events as a national newspaper of record since the turn of the twentieth century and through both world wars. When the morgue was packed, the beginning and ending of each file was recorded to create a box-level inventory. This inventory is available for use onsite and can be sent electronically as a large attachment. The clippings are indexed and filed the way the newspaper's reporters used them. Patrons should consult the New York Times Index for proper subject headings before requesting materials. Newsweek (1933-96). Newsweek, Inc. donated its clipping archive of approximately 3,000 linear feet-more than 3,000 archival boxes-to the Center for American History in 2001. In 1933, concurrent with the magazine's birth, Newsweek staff began clipping and gathering newspaper and magazine articles, government reports, annual reports, reporter's files, and ephemera. A variety of sources are represented in the archive for the sixty-three-year clipping period. Newsweek, Time, the New York Times, the Washington Post, and the Wall Street Journal are the major sources. Many other newspaper and print publications are included in the files. The Center for American History maintained the organization established by Newsweek. The files are organized alphabetically and chronologically within three series: biographical, subject, and organizational. The Center will make copies of published materials only for researchers in accordance with the university's fair use guidelines. Any requests for copies that fall outside of fair use, and for copies of unpublished material held in the files, will be referred to Newsweek's Rights and Permissions Department. The Archives of Media Professionals The records of media professionals provide a rare opportunity to explore the conditions contributing to media production. These collections illustrate the talents, professional norms, and organizational pressures of the people working to create and disseminate media texts. Numerous collections document the careers of prominent journalists, filmmakers, and television professionals. Harry Atwood Film Collection, 1963-91 (3 feet, 6 inches). These are selected short documentary films, available in VHS and DVD formats, by award-winning documentary filmmaker Atwood. Films include: The Great Unfenced (1963), about a cattle station in the outback of western Australia; Paths in the Wilderness (1976), concerning the missions of Padre Kino in southern Arizona and northern Mexico; and High on the Wild (1987), impressions of the Alaska wilderness and its dramatic landscape. The collection also contains his notes relating to each film and on-location photographs and recordings. J. Gail Borden, Jr. Papers, 1830-1910, 1932-37 (6 feet, 8 inches). This contains account books, contract books, pamphlets, scrapbooks, newspapers, a biography, letter-press books, correspondence, and microfilm holdings documenting the career of Borden (1801-74), who was a surveyor, inventor, newspaperman, businessman, and agriculturist. Of special interest are papers relating to his activities as a surveyor for Stephen F. Austin and as a founder in 1835 of the Telegraph and Texas Register at San Felipe. He and his partners, his brother Thomas Borden and Joseph Baker, published the newspaper in San Felipe until March 1836, in Harrisburg in April 1836, in Columbia from August 1836 to April 1837, and in Houston in May and June 1837. He sold his partnership in the Telegraph to Jacob W. Cruger in June 1837. John Henry Brown Papers, 1691-1951 (28 feet). Materials document the life and career of pioneer historian, newspaper editor, soldier, and legislator Brown (1820-1895). He spent most of his early years as a journalist and newspaperman; in his later years he divided his time between political duties and historical writing and editing. Portions of the papers relate to his work as a Texas newspaperman on the Victoria Advocate (1846), Indianola bulletin (1848-54), Galveston Civilian (1854), and the Belton Democrat (1859). Chester Burger Papers, 1921 to present (15 feet). These papers document Burger's personal life and professional career in television, public relations, and consulting through scrapbooks, videotapes, notes, and printed materials. He worked at CBS from 1941 through 1954, in radio, as a "visualizer" in television news from 1946 to 1948, as a news editor from 1948 to 1952, and as national news film manager until 1954. Of special interest are his scrapbooks from1921 to 1995, containing letters and ephemera reflecting his involvement in the early development of CBS television news. Steve Carlin Papers, 1950-54 (50 feet). Documentation covers Carlin's career in television entertainment for both children and adults during the 1950s, including the popular children's show "The Rootie Kazootie Club" on NBC. The collection contains almost complete documentation of "The Rootie Kazootie Club," including correspondence, scripts, contestant files, and advertising, as well as documents on Carlin's pioneering work in marketing spin-off products from television shows. Henry Cassirer Papers, 1936-91 (24 feet). These papers contain tapes, photographs, research and project files, literary manuscripts, and scrapbooks documenting Cassirer's life and career as a CBS executive in the 1940s, including as editor-in-chief for CBS News and his association after 1952 with UNESCO as director of mass media in education. Materials reflect his pioneering role in developing several CBS network innovations, including the presentation of television news and the integrated approach to television reporting. He served as CBS foreign news editor from 1940 to 1944, and in 1945, he became the nation's first full-time news and picture editor for CBS' New York television station WCBW (later WCBS). Walter Cronkite Papers, 1931 to the present (287 feet). They include scripts, correspondence, research files, photographs, film, videotape, and printed materials. There also is Cronkite's oral history life memoir, a transcript produced from taped interviews with him by CAH director Carleton in 1990-93, which served as the basic text for Cronkite's published memoir, A Reporter's Life (1996). The papers document his career as a United Press wire reporter and war correspondent before joining CBS in 1950 as the network's Washington correspondent and news anchor at WTOP-TV. In 1962, he became the managing editor and anchor of "The CBS Evening News," a position he held until his retirement in 1981. Adolph Douai Papers, 1819-1910 (4 inches). These papers reflect the life and career of German-born Douai (1891-1988), a writer, editor, and educator. They include his work on a German-language newspaper, the San Antonio Zeitung, which was founded in 1852. The bulk of the collection consists of his autobiography and a typed translation. John Henry Faulk Papers, 1936-90 (30 feet). Materials document the career of Faulk (1881-1989), a noted Texas folklorist, entertainer, and author and a target of the blacklist during the McCarthy years in the 1950s. The collection includes extensive files relating to his blacklisting experience and his legal case that interrupted his burgeoning career in radio and television broadcasting. Fired in 1957 by CBS for his alleged Communist associations, he sued for libel and then endured a long legal battle before the case was decided in his favor in 1962. The papers are supplemented by the John Henry Faulk v. AWAKE, Inc., case records (13 feet), containing the complete documentation of the suit undertaken on Faulk's behalf by famed trial attorney Louis Nizer. John Salmon Ford Papers, ca. 1836-92 (1 foot, 8 inches). Ford's memoirs cover his life (1815-97) as a soldier, elected official, and newspaper editor. He served as editor of Austin's Texas Democrat and later went on to establish Austin's State Times, which was published from 1852 to 1857. In 1868, he moved to Brownsville, where he edited the Brownsville Sentinel. Evelyn Peyton Gordon Papers, 1866-1964 (3 feet, 2 inches). These papers include correspondence, newspaper clippings, photographs, literary productions, and personal papers of Gordon, a society columnist for the Washington Daily Times from the 1930s to the 1960s. Shad Graham Papers, 1949-70 (11 inches). These are the filming records of documentary filmmaker Graham (1896-1969). The collection contains shooting records and lists of businesses in several small towns, such as Muskogee, Oklahoma, Baytown, Texas, Roswell, New Mexico, and Casper, Wyoming, where Graham made Our Home Town. Jack Gould Family Papers, 1914-93 (3 feet). The papers contain clippings, correspondence, photographs, and memoranda documenting Gould's career as a television critic and journalist from 1937 to 1972 for the New York Times, where he covered show business, radio, and television. His reporting and criticism in the nation's most influential newspaper made him an important force as television evolved following World War II. His weekly Sunday column addressed numerous controversial issues affecting the new media, including censorship, the blacklist, and the social responsibility of broadcasters. Molly Ivins Papers, 1936,1950-present (75 feet). Correspondence, diaries, newspaper columns, literary manuscripts, publicity, speeches, reports, research materials, printed materials, and audio and video cassettes document the personal and professional life of Ivins, a Texas author and journalist. Her newspaper columns appeared in the Dallas Times Herald from 1982 to 1993, and today she writes a syndicated column for the Fort Worth Star Telegram. Robert C. Jeffrey Papers, 1954-93 (14 feet). Classified files cover the professional career of Jeffrey, former dean of the University of Texas' College of Communication. Rudolph Kleberg Papers, 1820-1966 (5 feet, 8 inches). These papers contain correspondence, a letterpress book, literary works, diaries, scrapbooks, printed materials, legal materials, financial records, maps, and photographs about Kleberg, a politician, newspaperman, and attorney who founded and edited the Cuero Star, a weekly newspaper from 1873-76. He published outspoken editorials criticizing the violence in DeWitt County during Reconstruction. [Charles Kurault] "An American Moment" Collection. This collection has video tapes, scripts, segment summaries, and promotional materials relating to the syndicated television segments, "An American Moment," which was narrated by the late Kurault. Mary Lasswell Papers, 1880-1984 (13 feet, 2 inches). Research materials, notes, manuscripts, typescripts, page proofs and galley proofs, general correspondence and fan correspondence, legal and financial records, diaries, worksheets, scrapbooks, newspaper clippings and photographs cover the career of Mary Clyde Grayson Lubbock Lasswell Smith, novelist, biographer, and newspaper columnist. Known particularly for her books in the "Suds" series, she was editorial columnist for the Houston Chronicle during the 1960s. Her book, I'll Take Texas, called attention to natural areas in the state such as Padre Island and the Big Thicket. Dave McNeeley Papers, 1984-present (ca. 33 feet). These papers include printed material, research and reference files, audio cassettes, videotapes, correspondence, and newspaper clippings assembled and generated by McNeeley, political editor at the Austin American-Statesman. Sig Mickelson Papers, 1930-94 (30 feet). Research materials, speeches, correspondence, audio and video tapes, photographs, film, and literary productions reflect Mickelson's career as a broadcast executive and educator and his interest in telecommunications legislation, the role of television in politics, and the impact of television on public policy. He held positions at CBS for nearly twenty years beginning in 1943. When CBS News became an autonomous corporate division in the mid-1950s, he was its first president. Richard M. Morehead Papers, 1903,1922-95 (51 feet). Correspondence, photographs, books, political cartoons, and research files document the career of award-winning journalist Morehead, a longtime Capitol Bureau reporter, bureau chief, and columnist for the Dallas Morning News. The collection reflects his coverage of a wide range of public issues, including education, civil rights, court reform, and oil and gas. James Pearson Newcomb, Sr., Papers, 1835-1941 (7 feet). Correspondence, a letterbook, notebooks and scrapbook, journals and diaries, speeches and reports, business, political, and legal documents, and newspaper clippings reflect the career of Newcomb, a newspaper publisher and journalist. A Union supporter, he was forced to flee Texas for California by way of Mexico during the Civil War. After the war he returned to Texas, served in the Reconstruction government, founded and wrote for newspapers in the San Antonio area (the Ledger, the Herald, and the Express), and was a leader in state Republican politics. Edith H. Parker Papers, 1922-84 (2 feet, 10 inches). A manuscript, typescript, and printed, pictorial and cartographic materials cover the career of Parker, a journalist, political aide, and history professor. She worked for the Washington Herald as a reporter, librarian, and assistant editor from 1931 to 1934, and then worked for Tom Connally, a U.S. senator from Texas, until 1943. In 1946, she entered the University of Texas as a graduate student in history under the direction of Walter Prescott Webb and wrote her Ph.D. dissertation on land grants for education in Texas. Dewitt C. Reddick Papers, 1952-63 (8 feet). The papers contain research materials, classified files, literary manuscripts, and notes of journalist and University of Texas journalism professor Reddick (1904-80). He began his reporting career with the Fart Worth StarTelegram and the Austin American-Statesman in 1924, became an instructor in Texas' Department of Journalism in 1927, and served as director of the School of Journalism from 1959 to 1964. He wrote or co-authored many books, including journalism and the School Paper (1938), Modern Feature Writing (1949), and Industrial Editing (1962). Andy Rooney Papers, 1942-45,1957-91 (ca. 3 feet). Correspondence, radio and television scripts and transcripts, research, memorabilia, newspaper columns, articles, books, and photographs document Rooney's career as a pioneer of network television, author, producer, television commentator, and humorist whose spoken essays have closed TV's top-rated news magazine series, "60 Minutes," on Sunday evenings since 1978. The collection includes: original scripts for and transcripts of various radio and television broadcasts of his from 1964 to 1991, including his CBS News specials and network broadcasts, his segments on "Sunday Morning," and, from 1978 to 1991, his commentaries for "60 Minutes;" copies of his twice-weekly newspaper column for Tribune Media Services, which appears in 200 newspapers across the country; and a set of his Stars and Stripes columns from 1942 to 1945, which he wrote as a GI reporter covering the European theater during World War II. Copies of his numerous books, including The Fortunes of War: Four Great Battles of World War II (1962), Word for Word (1986), Sweet and Sour (1992), and A Few Minutes with Andy Rooney (1981), which became a No. 1 best-seller, are also in the collection. Smoot-Graham Family Papers, 1811-1968, 1986, 1987 (21 feet). The paper contain family correspondence, business papers, legal and financial documents, scrapbooks, diaries, and photographic materials relating primarily to the Smoot family of Austin. Materials document the work of Asher Graham Smoot (1869-1915), a journalist, editor, and manager of the Austin Statesman and co-founder of the Austin American in 1914. Frieda Werden Papers, 1968-97 (ca. 24 feet). The papers of Werden, a poet and journalist, editor and publisher, talent agent and performer, radio talk-show host and producer, feminist, and gay activist, include correspondence, literary productions, notes, and printed materials. The collection also contains photographic materials, audio cassettes, and video cassettes concerning poetry readings, women's art, and radio program production. Joseph and Shirley Wershba Papers, 1936-93 (60 feet). Audio and video tapes, television program scripts, a film, transcripts, photographs, research notes, correspondence, and ephemera cover the Wershbas' careers in broadcast news, journalism, and broadcasting. The collection contains extensive program files documenting important topics in contemporary American society and the lives of many of the newsmakers of the day. Joseph Wershba worked at CBS, both in radio and television, producing such award-winning programs as "See It Now" and "60 Minutes." As a producer of CBS's "60 Minutes" for more than twenty years, he produced 100 program segments, including the Emmy Award-winning "What Happened in the Tonkin Gulf." Shirley Wershba joined the radio news division of CBS in 1944 and in the 1960s and 1970s worked as a producer for programs such as ABC's "News with a Woman's Touch," PBS' "MacNeil/Lehrer Report," and CBS' "60 Minutes." The Archives of Photojournalists The negative and print archives of former and current photojournalists contains the record of local, regional, national, and international events that document the past and present. Dirck Halstead Photograph Collection, 1954-present (approximately 105,000 images). As senior White House photographer and a photojournalist for Time, Halstead is internationally known for his work covering the great events of the last two decades. He has had more Time covers than any other photographer. In addition to still photography, he also is currently developing video and multi-media projects. Shel Hershorn Photograph Collection, 1953-73 (approximately 100,000 images). The collection is made up of photograph negatives, prints, contact sheets, tear sheets, color transparencies, publications, and other materials produced by Hershorn and documenting his career as a photojournalism Based in Dallas, his work for BlackStar publishing, Life, Time, and Sports Illustrated reflected mostly Texas themes. David Hume Kennerly Photograph Collection, 1965-current (250,000 images). This has photographs taken by Kennerly during every phase of his career and documenting some of the most historically significant events that shaped the post-World War II generation. In 1972, he won the Pulitzer Prize for his feature photography of the Vietnam War and served as White House photographer for President Gerald R. Ford. One of the most widely known photojournalists of his generation, his images cover the Vietnam War, Watergate and the final days of the Nixon presidency, the Ford White House, Desert Storm, and the Bill Clinton-Al Gore presidential campaigns. Currently a senior photographer for Newsweek, he also has committed to the Center the prints and negatives from his current and future work as a free-lance photographer. Bruce Roberts Photograph Collection, 1949-80 (10,000 color and black and white images). These are the photographs of one of the leading documentary photographers in the South during the four decades following World War II. Roberts worked for the Charlotte Observer ham 1958 to 1978 and then became director of photography for Southern Living magazine, a position he held until his retirement in 1992. He was twice named Southern Photographer of the Year. His documentary photographs, many of which were published in magazines such as Life, Look, Sports Illustrated, and Time, document lunch counter sit-ins, a 1956 Elvis Presley concert in Florida, a handdrawn ferry operating on the Suwanee River, country doctors working in remote areas of Appalachia, and Head Start teachers in North Carolina. Dick L. Swanson Photographic Archive, 1959-94 (approximately 15,000 images). The archive contains photograph negatives, photograph prints, and positive transparencies of images taken by Swanson during his career as a photojournalist for four major employers: Time, Life, People, and Black Star Publishing. Coverage includes some of the major international events and figures of our generation, including the Vietnam War and its aftermath and state and national political campaigns beginning in 1974. Margaret Sandahl Thomas Photographs, 1880,1966-96 (1 foot papers, 24,000 images). The personal papers, photograph negatives, mounted exhibition boards, prints, published photographs, and slides reflect both Thomas' work as a photojournalist for the Washington Post and her free-lance activities in the Virginia area. She worked as a White House photographer during the Gerald Ford, Jimmy Carter, Ronald Reagan, and George Bush presidencies. The collection also includes the results of various other Post story assignments, depictions of metro-Washington, D.C., and coverage of fox hunting and the blooded-horse farms of Virginia. The Archives of Media Industries Media industries produce the cultural texts of our times. Archives chronicling the publication of newspapers and magazines and the broadcasts of television and radio offer insights into historical shifts in political and public agendas, and the records of industry organizations illuminate the process of cultural production. CBS Evening News Archive, 1962-81 (75 feet). This archive includes news scripts, memoranda, publicity materials, photographs, view mail, and miscellaneous materials generated during the years in which Walter Cronkite served as managing editor of CBS Evening News (1962-81). CBS News has closed this collection to use pending lifting of restrictions. Freie Presse für Texas, 1866-1946 (24 feet, 2 inches). Correspondence, legal papers, memoranda, financial records, galley proofs, and broadsides produced by the state's largest German-language newspaper make up this collection. Published in San Antonio from 1866 to 1946, Freie Presse für Texas was produced in daily, weekly, and tri-weekly editions throughout the nineteenth century. The Center's Texas Newspaper Project has microfilmed all extant issues of Freie Presse für Texas. Houston City Magazine Recotds, 1978-86 (6 feet, 3 inches). This collection contains print and negative photographs and slides associated with articles published in Houston City Magazine from 1978 to 1986. Houston Post, Washington D.C. Bureau Collection, 1963-95 (14 feet). Clippings and various files, especially relating to Texans in Washington, D.C., as maintained by the Houston Post in its Washington, D.C., bureau office, are in this collection. Texas Film Collection, 1940-84 (ca. 800 items). Lobby cards, posters, distributor's press books and press kits, screenplays, and photographic stills document more than 145 films relating to Texas. Those films include Buckaroo Sheriff of Texas, The Streets of Laredo, The Texan Meets Calamity Jane, The Best Little Whorehouse in Texas, Bannie and Clyde, and Gunslingers. Texas Press Association Archive (now called the Texas Professional Communicators Records), 1880-1942 (2 1/2 inches). This includes records relating to the Texas Press Association, a statewide professional organization of weekly, semi-weekly, and daily newspapers published in Texas. The purpose of the association is to provide a forum for discussions concerning the newspaper community and to speak out on issues of public concern. The collection includes proceedings of the annual meetings from 1880-87. Texas Women's Press Association Archives (now called the Texas Professional Communicators Records), 1909-2001 (7 feet, 4 inches). This collection consists of historical files of minutes of board meetings, resolutions, reports, publicity, convention records, code of ethics, by-laws and amendments, newsletters and clippings, and scrapbooks. Trackdown Television Series Archives, 1957-59 (8 inches). The collection includes twenty-one television scripts written by Jack Robinson for the 1957-59 television series "Trackdown." Set in the Southwest during the 1870's, "Trackdown" detailed the adventures of a mythical Texas Ranger, Hoby Gilman, and many of the stories told in the series were adapted from cases in the files of the Texas Rangers. Also included are author's notes with annotations on eighteen of the episodes. University of Texas/KUT Longhorn Radio Network Records, 1961-84 (71 feet). Master recordings of programs recorded by radio station KUT at the University of Texas at Austin are in this collection. Programs included are "U Forum" and "University Speakers," which consisted of university and guest lecturers, symposia, and special conferences that focused on a broad range of social and scientific subjects. Other major series include "Black Studies Lectures;" "Inquiring Minds," a report on campus academic activities; "Texas Weekly," a review of political activity in Texas; "John Henry Faulk," a political and folk humor commentary; "Latino USA," a weekly review of Spanish-speaking people in the United States; and "Stardate," an informative series on astronomy. University of Texas Student Publications Records, 1895-1994 (ca. 300 feet). The records include images of, or relating to, the University of Texas, generated by Texas Student Publications, Inc., and predecessor organizations for use in publications such as The Daily Texan, the Cactus, Alcalde, and The Ranger. The early photographs are arranged by subject while later accessions are arranged chronologically by format. W.I.N.G.S. Archive (Women's International News Gathering Service), 1955-97 (46 feet). Correspondence, printed materials, newsletters, newspapers, notes, financial records, reports, diaries, literary productions, photographs, and audio tapes document the development and work of W.I.N.G.S., a feminist-oriented broadcast news service. It was founded in 1986 by radio journalists Katherine Davenport and Frieda Werden, who produced and co-anchored the monthly syndicated public radio newscast, "WINGS." Special-Focus Collections on Media Issues Media constitute a pervasive force in our society, contributing to social change, economic development, and political debate. Collections concerning media issues examine the critical roles media play in our society. Development Communication Archive, 1960-94 (363 feet). Project descriptions, project records, policy papers, research, photographs, slides, and audio and video tapes chronicle the field of development communication since 1960. These projects have been implemented all over the world, using a variety of communication technologies, in the fields of health, population, nutrition, agriculture, economic development, and the environment. The collection formerly was sponsored by the U.S. Agency for International Development. National Issues Convention Records, 1995-96 (6 feet). This collection has planning and operations implementation materials, publicity and news coverage, volunteer and interview files, issues and polls files, and videocassettes associated with the National Issues Convention held at the University of Texas in January 1996. National Television Violence Study, Austin Site, Records, 1994-96 (120 feet). Videocassettes are available of all television programming recorded during an entire week in 1994, 1995, and 1996 for a statistical study of depictions of violence on American television. Ellen A. Wartella Papers on Children and the Media Collection, 1976-93 (approx. 20 feet). The collection contains bibliographic research materials created and assembled by Ellen A. Wartella, dean of the University of Texas' College of Communication, concerning children and television. The Texas Newspaper Project Alexis de Tocqueville, the sage and insightful commentator on early nineteenth-century American life and culture, recognized the value of newspapers when he wrote, "The only historical remains in the United States are the newspapers; if a number be wanting, the chain of time is broken and the present is severed from the past." The Texas Newspaper Project helped ensure that this important documentary chain remains intact. The Texas Newspaper Project (TNP) was the Center for American History's grant-funded effort, 1990 to 2000, to preserve and provide access to Texas newspapers. TNP was the Texas component of a nation-wide preservation initiative known as the United States Newspaper Program, which was sponsored by the National Endowment for the Humanities and the Library of Congress and aims to ensure access to newspapers published in the United States beginning in the eighteenth century. Originally based at the Panhandle Plains Historical Museum in Canyon, Texas, TNP surveyed newspapers in 957 repositories in the state and then cataloged and entered more than 9,000 newspaper tides, including 5,400 Texas titles, into OCLC, a computer information network that serves libraries nationwide. As a result, researchers have ready access to information on the existence and location of historical newspapers in Texas repositories. In 1990, the project moved to the Center for American History to begin micro filming Texas newspapers. By the project's conclusion it had microfilmed more than 1 million pages of newsprint published by 200 Texas newspapers. All of the preservation-quality microfilm produced by the project may be viewed in the Center's James Stephen Hogg Reading Room or borrowed by anyone in the United States through interlibrary loan. Microfilm duplicates also may be purchased from the Center for a nominal fee. The Center for American History newspaper collection houses extensive runs of newspapers published primarily in Texas and the South. Total holdings number more than 5,100 titles, including more than 3,000 Texas titles, making it the largest Texas newspaper collection in existence. In addition, the Center houses newspapers published in every state of the Confederacy from the 1790s through the early 1900s. Significant holdings include extensive runs of early newspapers in hard copy from Charleston, South Carolina; Augusta, Georgia; New Orleans, Louisiana; and Little Rock, Arkansas. Many issues are scare or rare, including copies of several important ante-bellum Louisiana and Mississippi newspapers. All titles have been cataloged as part of the U.S. Newspaper Project. -1- Questia, a part of Gale, Cengage Learning. www.questia.com  Publication Information: Article Title: Charles Lindbergh and Mobiloil: the New Model for Modern Celebrity Endorsement. Contributors: Patrick L. Cox - author. Journal Title: Journalism History. Volume: 30. Issue: 2. Publication Year: 2004. Page Number: 98+. © 2004 Journalism History. Provided by ProQuest LLC. All Rights Reserved.   Cultural Influences on Young Adult Consumers' Attraction to Media Personalities: an Examination of Americans and Koreans by Therese A. Louie , John C. Yi The election and re-election of movie star Arnold Schwarzenegger as Governor of California reflects the enormous impact media personalities have within and outside of the entertainment field. What is it about Arnold that makes him appealing to California voters and, more broadly, to American audiences? Does he have the same appeal overseas? This research examines on an international level why audience members like the media personalities that they do. The societal norms revealed when studying famous persons have relevance to advertisers hiring celebrity endorsers, to professionals wanting to do business overseas, and to all who are interested in cultural differences. Consumers' focus on media personalities is explored in two countries and across the two genders with the goal of gaining both culturally specific and universal insights. According to Sperber and Wilson (1986), media personalities are but one representation of norms and conventions. The famous are endowed with cultural meanings, which include information about lifestyle types, personality types and demographics (McCracken, 1989). Researchers have attempted to build upon these ideas within different cultures. Dhoest (2005) explored cultural influences by studying the content of a documentary-style Belgian television program focused on a renowned Flemish athlete. The program contained typically Flemish themes of simplicity and ordinariness (Dhoest,2005). Similarly, Silvera and Austad (2004) also found culturally influenced reactions to the famous. They found that Norwegians- who have cultural norms against grandstanding- were relatively immune to superficial celebrity effects unrelated to credibility. It is possible to build upon past work by more deliberately contrasting media personalities preferred by consumers from different countries. This research compares Americans and Koreans because they are distinct culturally (Kim, Pan, & Park, 1998) and differ in their reactions to advertising (e.g., Han & Shavitt, 1994). In addition, the topic of media personalities is particularly relevant to consumers from both countries. Americans are known for their love of creating and watching celebrities. Similarly, Cutler, Javalgi and Lee (1995) found that nearly a third of Korean advertisements for nondurables feature a famous person. According to Hofstede (1991, 2001), the United States is a highly individualistic country that values independence, freedom, and a high level of competition. In contrast, Korea is a collectivist country that emphasizes group-oriented goals, social hierarchies, and cooperation. Not surprisingly, Choi, Lee and Kim (2005) found that Korean television advertisements with endorsers contained more collectivist-relevant messages about belongingness and tradition than their American counterparts. Similar to Cutler et al. (1995), Paek (2005) found that Korean newspaper advertisements contained more celebrityendorsers than did corresponding American ads. She reasoned that Koreans tend to follow heavily the recommendations of public figures. This research differs from the abovementioned studies about advertisements with celebrity endorsers. Instead, this work uses Hofstede's (1991) dimensions to study cultural traits reflected in the famous persons, rather than in the advertising messages. Also, this study focuses on the appeal of media personalities consumers themselves (as opposed to advertising executives) choose to focus. Broadening the scope outside of the advertising field encourages more consumer-driven responses to media personalities, which might more naturally reveal cultural insights. In addition, because males and females have different preferences for media personalities, and may process related information differently (Meyers-Levy, 1989), the role of gender is examined. Finally, this investigation focuses on young adults because they are particularly susceptible to influence by famous role models (for a review see Bush, Martin & Bush, 2004), and have endorser efforts targeted directly to them (Brown & Basil, 1995). An additional reason to study young adults is that they are a large group with huge marketing potential (Bush et al., 2004). In short, this research contrasts basic differences in young adults' attractions to media personalities across two cultures and both genders. Hypotheses Consumers' Attraction to Media Personalities This examination builds upon traits identified in past work (e.g., La Ferle & Choi, 2005) that explain consumers' attraction to media personalities. The factors are outlined below, along with corresponding hypotheses of what participants will focus upon when describing their favorite famous persons. Entertainment/excitement value. For some consumers, a media personality's major function is to entertain by providing an exciting escape from everyday life (for reviews see Alperstein, 1991; Basil, 1996; Choi et al., 2005; Giles, 2002). For example, although hotel heiress Paris Hilton may not be famous for acclaimed singing, dancing, or acting talents, her ability to stand out and amuse much of the public has attracted substantial media attention. If Americans value individualistic traits such as freedom and self-realization, and Koreans emphasize collectivist traits such as harmony and cooperation (Hofstede, 1991), then Americans might be more likely to emphasize the "entertainment/excitement" factor when describing their favorite media personalities. H1: Relative to Koreans, Americans will list more factors related to the entertainment or excitement value of their favorite media personalities. Success. Hoffner and Buchanan (2005) found that media figures' degree of success influences audience members' desires to be like him or her. Hofstede's (1991) notion that individualistic cultures highly value competition suggests that Americans will put more emphasis on their favorite media personalities' success. At the same time, gender roles emphasize individualism and achievement more in males than in females (Meyers-Levy, 1988). Both streams of research suggest multiple effects on the number of comments about media personalities' success. H2a: Relative to Koreans, Americans will list more factors related to the success of their favorite media personalities. H2b: Relative to females, males will list more factors related to the success of their favorite media personalities. Character. Part of a media personality's image is his or her moral character (Toison, 2001). Judgments about famous persons' principles influence the degree to which consumers feel connections with them (Giles, 2002). Koreans' collectivist emphasis on group-oriented goals and family security may prompt larger concerns about a media personality's character. Although Americans might react unfavorably to media personalities' bad behavior (Louie, Kulik & Jacobson, 2001), good character is not a priori anticipated to be a highly emphasized trait. H3: Relative to Americans, Koreans will elaborate more on good character elements related to their favorite media personalities. Attractiveness. Both Americans (Lull, 1980) and Koreans (La Ferle & Choi, 2005) evaluate media personalities' physical appeal. Hoffner and Buchanan (2005) found that females emphasized attractiveness when noting traits of their favorite fictional television characters, whereas men did not. A possible explanation for this finding is that, relative to males, females are rewarded more for physical appeal (for a review see Hoffner & Buchanan, 2005). Note that males may judge media personalitiesespecially those who are female- based upon attractiveness. However, when noting their favorite famous person this trait, as in Hoffner and Buchanan's (2005) study, may not be prevalent. It is proposed that a gender difference will be reflected in descriptions of attractiveness. H4: Relative to males, females will emphasize attractiveness in their description of favorite media personalities. Similarity. Hoffner and Buchanan (2005) found that the more attitudinally similar a fictional television character was perceived to be, the more respondents wanted to be like him or her. In addition, numerous studies have shown a link between demographic or behavioral similarity and the reaction to media personalities (Alperstein, 1991; Basil, 1996; Brown et al., 2003). Hof stede (1991) provides insights into what cultures would emphasize common traits. His assertion that collectivist cultures value interdependence and harmony suggests the following hypothesis. H5: Relative to Americans, Koreans will elaborate more on similarities they share with their favorite media personalities. Positive influence/Role model. It is natural to want leaders and others in the spotlight to demonstrate respect for individuals as well as other community-building traits (Marques, Dhiman & King, 2005). Not surprisingly, some media personalities are seen as role models who have a good influence on fans, colleagues, or the general public (Basil, 1996). Collectivist cultures' emphasis on grouporiented goals suggests that Koreans would more highly elaborate upon media personalities' willingness to be good societal "team members." The genders may also react differently to this trait. Hoffner and Buchanan (2005) asked participants to rate how their favorite television characters were admired by other characters depicted in the same shows. Congruous with the notion that females are guided more than males by communal goals (Meyers-Levy, 1988), the former perceived their favorite characters as more highly admired. In addition, society may have expectations that females will be more socially oriented. Stafford, Spears and Hsu (2003) found that 67.6% of ads with female endorsers are associated with psychosocial benefits, compared to 32.4% with male endorsers. It is proposed that culture and gender will have the following effects. H6a: Relative to Americans, Koreans will emphasize when their favorite media personalities are a positive influence on others. H6b: Relative to males, females will emphasize when their favorite media personalities are a positive influence on others. Method Participants Seventy-four undergraduate students taking introductory marketing at an American university were asked to participate in this study. Responses from three individuals who did not complete the materials were discarded, which resulted in 71 American participants (49% male). Similarly, 51 undergraduates taking introductory marketing in South Korea participated in this research. (South Korea will be referred to henceforth as Korea.) The responses from one individual who did not complete the materials were discarded, resulting in 50 Korean students (58% male). Both the American and Korean universities are research-oriented and large (i.e., with enrollment of about 39,000 and 37,000, respectively). Following McCracken's (1989) definition of media personalities as those who are famous or widely known, participants were asked to write a paragraph about a favorite famous person. Participants also noted their gender. The instructions were translated from English to Korean, and then back translated to English. The Korean students' responses were translated into English by two coders, one who was raised in Korea and one who was raised in the United States by Korean-born- and-raised parents. Variables Two independent coders who were blind to the hypotheses were trained to do content analysis on the participants' responses. They divided the material into comments related to the media personalities' (a) entertainment value, (b) success, (c) character, (d) attractiveness, (e) similarity to the participant, and (f) positive influence on others. A final coding category included information about how the participants heard of their favorite media personalities, and miscellaneous comments; as these measures are not related to this study, they are not discussed further. Coding agreement was 82%, with disagreements resolved via a third coder. All variables were then analyzed using ANOVA with country (USA or Korea) and participant gender (male or female) as factors. Results Descriptions of entertainment value. Hypothesis 1 proposed that Americans would be more likely than Koreans to make comments about the degree to which their favorite media personalities are entertaining and exciting. For example, one American respondent described a singer/ actress's appeal as follows. "I really enjoy watching Madonna because she is very entertaining. Many things she does is [sic] unexpected and she doesn't care about what anyone else thinks." The means and standard deviations of all dependent variables are provided in Table 1. ANOVA reveals a significant main effect that supports hypothesis 1, F[1, 120) = 5.64, p < .02. Americans made more comments than Koreans about favored media personalities' ability to entertain and excite. There are no other significant main or interaction effects. Descriptions of success. An example of a success-related comment comes from a Korean respondent, who said of Major League baseball player Chan Ho Park, "He made a positive impression on me because he became a famous/good pitcher in the world, and not just in Korea." Hypothesis 2a suggested that, relative to Koreans, Americans would list more factors related to the success of their favorite media personalities. It was also predicted (Hypothesis 2b) that male respondents would emphasize success than more than females would. Analysis reveals a significant interaction effect, F (1, 120) = 4.60, p < .04. However, the data are not quite as expected. Specifically, Americans did not provide a significantly higher mean number of success comments, although the results are marginal in the appropriate direction, F[1, 120) = 3.61, p < .07. In addition, although it was predicted that males would highlight success more than females, the interaction effect is the result of American males making more such comments than Korean males (M = 0.74 and M = 0.28, respectively), F[1, 67) = 2.02, p < .03. Descriptions of character. An example of a character-related comment comes from a Korean respondent who described businessman Moon Sool Chung's principles. "He said in an article that when he dies he wants to give all his money to charity, not his heirs." Another illustration comes from an American respondent, whose favorite famous person is, "Bill Gates, because I am fascinated with all the money he has earned and how he has used it." It was proposed (hypothesis 3) that Koreans would elaborate more than Americans on character elements related to their favorite media personalities. ANOVA reveals that although the mean number of such comments across countries is not significantly different, it is marginal in the appropriate direction, F[1, 120) = 2.79, p < .10. Descriptions of attractiveness. An American respondent claimed, "The only famous person that comes to my mind is Britney Spears. I guess the #1 reason why I like watching her is because of her beauty. She's really pretty and I like her sense of fashion, the way she does her hair, and her make-up application." Commenting about attractiveness in a very different way was a Korean respondent, who described an actress as follows. "I especially like Eun Ha Shim because her look is pure and innocent. I think women should be like that." The prediction (hypothesis 4) that females would provide more comments than males about their favorite media personalities' attractiveness is supported, F(1, 120) = 5.62, p < .02. Descriptions of similarity. When asked to identify a favorite famous person, an American respondent replied, "I would have to say Jessica Simpson, because we have similar backgrounds as far as family and music." In the same vein, a Korean respondent specifically noted that his viewpoints are the same with television talk show host Shi Min Yu's. "When I read his book, I agreed with many things he had to say." It was predicted that more Koreans than Americans would elaborate on similarities they share with their favorite media personalities. ANOVA reveals no support for hypothesis 5, F[1, 120) = 0.06, ns. Instead, there is a main effect in which males made more comments about similarity than did females, F[1,9 120) = 4.51, p < .04. In addition, there is a significant interaction effect, F(1, 120) = 5.55, p < .03. Korean males made more comments about similarity' than did Korean females (M = 0.47 and M = 0.16, respectively), F(1, 49) = 2.29, p < .04. Descriptions of the media personalities9 positive influence. A sample comment about media personalities' ability to be a positive influence comes from an American respondent who described actresses Jennifer Lopez and Lucy Liu as follows. "These two women are big role models for women today. Especially minorities. They have proven it's possible." Similarly, a Korean respondent said of newscaster Ji Yun Baek, "She followed her dreams and worked hard to achieve them... That is why I like her." It was predicted (hypothesis 6a) that Koreans, more than Americans, would emphasize the extent to which their favorite media personality is a good influence on others. However, ANOVA reveals that Korean participants did not emphasize their favorite media personalities' positive impact, F[1, 120) = 0.30, ns. It was also predicted that females, more than males, would accentuate this trait (hypothesis 6b). Indeed, ANOVA reveals that females made more mentions of positive influence than did males, F[1, 120) = 5.99, p < .02. Discussion Different from work that focused upon media personality effects in one country (e.g., La Ferle & Choi, 2005; Silvera & Austad, 2004), this research contrasts descriptions of young adults' favorite media personalities in two cultures. The results suggest that societal values and more universal gender norms combine to create a famous person's magnetism. The research results support differences based upon individualistic and collectivist cultural dimensions. Consistent with Hofstede's (1991) description of Americans as valuing independence, self-realization, freedom, and a high level of competition, participants from the United States described their favorite media personalities using more comments related to media personalities' entertainment/excitement value, and a marginally higher number of thoughts about success. In contrast, Koreanswho according to Hofstede (1991) value interdependence, harmony, family security, and grouporiented goals- used a marginally higher number of thoughts about their favorite media personalities' character. Perhaps a study using a larger sample size would further differentiate the differences between Korean and American perceptions. Some media personality appeal appears to cut across cultural boundaries. Specifically, congruent with the notion that females are more highly focused on communal concerns and the perceptions of others (Meyers-Levy, 1988), female participants were more likely than male participants to make comments about media personalities' attractiveness, and about the media personalities' positive influence on others. Despite support for cultural and genderbased effects, this research produced some unexpected findings. For example, although it was hypothesized that Americans would make more comments than Koreans about media personalities' success, it was unanticipated that the effect would be isolated to the male participants from each country. Future research can examine the interaction of both culture and gender norms. To illustrate, many males are taught to focus on self-mastery (Meyers-Levy, 1988). However, perhaps Americans are taught to self-promote-while Koreans are taught to be humble-when discussing others', as well as their own, success. Support of this notion comes from descriptions of Americans as wanting to distinguish themselves from others via competition; in contrast, Koreans may enhance cohesion of their groups even at the expense of personal goals (Shavitt, Lalwani, Zhang & Torelli, 2006). In the same vein, the expectation that more Koreans than Americans would elaborate on similarities with media personalities was not supported. That males provided more comments about similarity than did females perhaps reflects the formers' tendency to focus on achievement (Meyers-Levy, 1988) and on masculine occupations (Lippa, 2005). Doing so, in turn, may have prompted those participants to select as favorite media personalities those whom they want to emulate (i.e., those with whom they currently- and increasingly want to- share similar traits). Further insights would be gained by research focused specifically on the type of media personalities (e.g., businesspersons, athletes, actors/actresses) males and females choose to watch. It would be worthwhile to better understand the media personality traits examined in this study. The above-mentioned "attractiveness" comments about Britney Spears' fashion sense and Eun Ha Shim's innocence suggest that further cultural values might be revealed by more focused analyses. Asking participants to describe famous persons who are attractive or successful might highlight subtleties in those traits. Researchers skilled in interpretivist techniques might uncover in respondent descriptions new motives behind watching media personalities, and the ongoing nature of the media personality/fan relationship (Ruth, Otnes & Brunei, 1999). Future research can also expand this inquiry to different age groups. Young adults, who are the focus of endorser efforts (Brown & Basil, 1995), seemed well suited for this initial examination of media personalities. The level of maturity of both those who are younger and older than the target group in this study may strongly influence traits that attract consumers' attention. Because culture is so pervasive, the values that emerged in this study might still be strong, but the emphasis on age-related traits such as attractiveness might be different. Again, this is a worthwhile topic for a future study. With the Internet providing media information from around the world, subsequent research can investigate preferences that American and Korean consumers have when viewing media personalities from each other's countries. For example, Martin and Woodside (2007) found that from 1992 to 2002, foreign actors in Japanese advertisements displayed increased Japanese behavior and language skills. Intuitively, American and Korean consumers would also appreciate depictions of their cultural values in ads with famous foreign endorsers. On the other hand, there may be situations in which American consumers would expect a famous Korean personality to show more collective traits, and when Korean consumers might anticipate an American to behave more individualistically. Subsequent studies can explore these issues. This research illustrates how culture affects consumers' selection of favorite media personalities. There are direct applications to real world settings involving the selection of celebrity advertisingendorsers. More broadly, the results underscore that cultural knowledge can be gained by studying famous persons in a given society. World travelers, government officials, or anyone interested in studying culture can observe media personalities' qualities to learn about countries of interest. It is hoped that this work will encourage more research on how consumers select and enjoy those who have attained fame. (This research was supported by a grant from the Donald and Sally Lucas Graduate School of Business.) -1- Questia, a part of Gale, Cengage Learning. www.questia.com  Publication Information: Article Title: Cultural Influences on Young Adult Consumers' Attraction to Media Personalities: an Examination of Americans and Koreans. Contributors: Therese A. Louie - author, John C. Yi - author. Journal Title: Journal of Global Business Issues. Volume: 3. Issue: 1. Publication Year: 2009. Page Number: 33+. © 2009 Journal of Global Business Issues. Provided by ProQuest LLC. All Rights Reserved.   Personality Fit in Nascar: an Evaluation of Driver-sponsor Congruence and Its Impact on Sponsorship Effectiveness Outcomes by Windy Dees , Gregg Bennett , Mauricio Ferreira Introduction Marketing managers link their brands with a sporting event in which consumers are passionate and loyal (Gwinner & Swanson, 2003; Madrigal, 2001) to accomplish two primary objectives which are: (1) to increase brand awareness and (2) to transform or enhance brand image (Gwinner & Eaton, 1999). "Fostering a favorable image for a brand is frequently an important corporate objective and sponsorship helps define a brand personality through its inferred association with the sport property" (Brown, 2002, p. 188). This research study will focus on the second corporate objective mentioned previously which is brand image enhancement. One of the concepts closely related to brand image enhancement that has been explored by marketing researchers is the concept of brand personality (Aaker, 1997; Chatman & Barsade, 1995; Ekinci & Hosany, 2006; Plummer 1985). According to marketing literature, a major factor in consumer brand choice is the perceived brand personality of the product or service offering (Aaker, 1997; Plummer, 1985). Consumers often purchase brands on the sole basis of the perceived brand personality of the product as compared to that product's competitors (Wysong, Munch, & Kleiser, 2002). Therefore, brands with well-established and favorable brand personalities may possess advantages in the marketplace, because consumers have elicited positive attitudes and purchase intentions toward these brands (Aaker, 1999; Wysong et al., 2002). Another factor affecting brand choice is celebrity endorsement. Having a celebrity, such as a famous athlete, endorse the brand often persuades consumers to purchase the product or service. However, the success of the endorsement may depend on the pairing of the person and the product (Martin, 1996). Previous research on celebrity endorsement has suggested that consumers like brands and are more persuaded to purchase them if the celebrity endorser is a good "fit" (Martin, 1996). Therefore, brands with strong, established personalities may or may not benefit from celebrity endorsement, depending on whether the endorser's personality is a good fit with the brand. In the context of National Association of Stock Car Auto Racing (NASCAR), where virtually all fans choose their favorite driver based on his personality (Amato, Peters, & Shao, 2005), and the driver's major sponsor is likely to be a highly recognized brand with its own ingrained personality, it is important to investigate the congruence or match-up effects between the two in order to determine whether personality fit influences consumers' response to NASCAR sponsorships. The concept of fit, or relatedness, between a sponsor's brand and a sponsored event or celebrity has been researched quite extensively in the marketing (McDaniel, 1999; Roy & Cornwell, 2004; Smith, 2004) and advertising fields (Costanzo & Goodnight, 2005; Gwinner & Eaton, 1999; Kammins, 1990). While Amis, Pant, and Slack (1997) examined the "fit" between corporations and their sponsored properties, no known sport sponsorship studies have looked at the relationship between individual athletes and their major corporate sponsors to determine what constitutes good fit and whether or not this fit influences the effectiveness of the sponsorship pairings (Koo, Quarterman, & Flynn, 2006). Therefore, the purpose of this study was to determine if personality fit between NASCAR drivers and their major sponsors affects the sponsorship outcomes of consumer attitudes toward the sponsor, attitudes toward the brand, and purchase intentions during a NASCAR event. Moreover, fan identification and product involvement were examined as moderators between personality fit and the three sponsorship outcomes. The significance of these two variables as moderators is explained in further detail in the review of literature. Literature Review NASCAR Previous research on NASCAR fans has determined that "virtually all fans chose a favorite driver based on his personality" (Amato, Peters, & Shao, 2005, p. 71). The sport of NASCAR is full of colorful driver personalities and established brand-name sponsors. These athletes are celebrity endorsers and represent the products or brands which sponsor their race cars and racing teams. They are branded with the logo of their major sponsor on their cars, uniforms, helmets, and even in their racing pits. NASCAR drivers also come to be known by the major sponsor of their cars. For instance, during the telecast of a NASCAR event, announcers will refer to the "DuPont car" or the "Home Depot car" instead of Jeff Gordon and Joey Logano, respectively. These drivers and brands become inextricably linked through sponsorship, and consumers recognize the connection between the two. It is one of the most apparent linkages between an athlete endorser and a product, since the driver and brand are constantly referenced together during the actual competition. In essence, NASCAR drivers could be considered brands themselves. Thus, corporate sponsorship of NASCAR drivers has become a marketing strategy of firms trying to differentiate their brands and influence brand choice (Amato et al., 2005). Theoretical Framework Previous research examining celebrity endorsement as well as event sponsorship has been theoretically based on the match-up hypothesis (Gwinner, 1997; Gwinner & Eaton, 1999; Kahle & Homer, 1985; McCracken, 1989; McDaniel, 1999). The match-up hypothesis is similar to congruence theory, which proposes that individuals can more easily process, store, and retrieve information if it is related or similar to previous information or experiences (Cornwell, Weeks, & Roy, 2005). The match-up hypothesis suggests that consumers' response to advertising, or in this case sponsorship, will be impacted by the similarity between the endorser's (NASCAR driver) personality and the brand's personality (McDaniel, 1999). According to this theory, the more commonalities between the two, the more likely consumers will remember and relate the endorser and brand, and respond in a favorable manner. Less congruent endorsers and brands may be less memorable and, therefore, elicit weaker responses from consumers exposed to the match (Cornwell et al., 2005; McDaniel, 1999). It is hypothesized in this study that a stronger congruence, or fit, between driver and brand personality would increase sponsorship effectiveness. Fit The term "fit" has been used throughout much of the sponsorship literature referring to the relatedness, similarity, relevance, or congruence of event-sponsor relationships or celebrity endorser-brand relationships (Becker-Olsen & Hill; 2006; Gwinner, 1997; McDonald, 1991; Poon & Prendergast; 2006; Rifon, Choi, Trimble, & Li, 2004; Roy & Cornwell, 2004). Fit is defined as the "synergy between what the company does in its business and the detail of the sponsorship" (McDonald, 1991, p. 36). Overall fit can be measured in a multitude of ways (Smith, 2004). According to Smith (2004), companies who choose to sponsor an event may consider their degree of fit among six different types of association: (1) Product attribute, (2) User imagery, (3) Brand personality, (4) Functional benefits, (5) Experiential benefits, and (6) Symbolic benefits. While levels of overall fit between sponsor and event have been explored to some degree in the realm of sport using several of these types of associations (Gwinner & Eaton, 1999; Koo et al., 2006; McDaniel, 1999), the aspect of a sponsor's brand personality and how its fit with an event influences sponsorship effectiveness has not been examined. Previous research has indicated that sponsors who support a cause that fits well with their firm could generate positive attitudes toward the sponsor (Rifon et al., 2004) as well as influence consumers' cognitive and conative responses to sponsorship (Poon & Prendergast, 2006). Brand Personality Brand personality is a construct derived from the study of human interaction and examines how people attach meanings to brands. It is defined as "the human characteristics of a brand" (Aaker & Fournier, 1995, p. 393-394). A brand often develops its own individual personality, and the characteristics or attributes associated with it help differentiate the brand from competitors. An empirical study conducted by Aaker (1997) examining brand personality revealed that brands are often described using the same Big Five dimensions of personality that are used to describe people. The Big Five dimensions of brand personality are Sincerity, Excitement, Competence, Sophistication, and Ruggedness (Wysong et al., 2002). Brand personality has been an accepted and extensive topic of study among advertising and marketing researchers for decades (Gardner & Levy, 1955; Landon, 1974; Aaker, 1997; Ekinci & Hosany, 2006). Historically, the construct of brand personality has been used to examine peoples' perceptions of consumer goods (Aaker, 1997). More recently, however, brand personality has been used to explore whether or not consumers ascribe personality characteristics to service industries such as tourist destinations and how brand personality affects their behaviors (Ekinci & Hosany, 2006). "Brand personality is important because consumers may choose one brand over another based solely on its personality" (Wysong, Munch, & Kleiser, 2002, p. 512). Brand personality also has a strong impact on consumers' attitudes and behaviors, including their brand attitudes and brand loyalty (Aaker, 1999). Therefore, the first three research questions developed to guide this study are as follows: RQ1: Will personality fit be positively related to attitude toward the sponsor? RQ2: Will personality fit be positively related to attitude toward the brand? RQ3: Will personality fit be positively related to purchase intentions? A review of the relevant literature pertaining to the constructs of attitude toward the sponsor, attitude toward the brand, and purchase intentions will now be examined. Attitude Toward the Sponsor An attitude toward an advertiser is an individual's favorable or unfavorable evaluation of a particular organization, such as an event sponsor. Attitude toward the sponsor has been examined in previous research with respect to event-sponsor fit. Roy and Cornwell (2003), for example, hypothesized that attitude toward the sponsor would be positively related to event-sponsor congruence. They found that participants who perceived higher levels of congruence between event and sponsor also held more positive attitudes of the sponsors. Conversely, participants who scored the events and sponsors low on congruence, held more negative views of the sponsors. The authors encouraged event managers and sponsors to be strategic in forming long-term sponsorship arrangements, as being well-paired based on organizational goals and image could be critical to sponsorship success (Roy & Cornwell, 2003). Attitude Toward the Brand Attitude toward the brand, or brand attitude, represents the consumer's overall evaluation of the brand, and these attitudes are often precursors to behavioral response. (Keller, 1993; Wilkie, 1986). According to Keller's (1993) dimensions of brand knowledge, brand attitudes are a type of brand association that builds overall brand image. Consumers form attitudes toward different brands based on what the brands have to offer, such as their personality (Aaker, 1997). Brands provide various attributes and benefits, and consumers judge the attributes and benefits before developing attitudes regarding the overall brand (Keller, 1993). These attitudes strongly influence their future behavior such as purchase intentions and actual purchases (Eagly & Chaiken, 1993; Madrigal, 2001; Spears & Singh, 2004). Purchase Intentions According to Spears and Singh (2004, p. 56), "Purchase intentions are an individual's conscious plan to make an effort to purchase a brand." Purchase intentions indicate the level of motivation that an individual has to complete a purchase behavior. The greater the level of motivation, the more likely the person will actually make a purchase. Fishbein and Ajzen (1975) suggest that purchase intentions are the link between attitudes and behavior. Consumers must have an intention to purchase a product or service before the action takes place; therefore, purchase intentions are an antecedent to actual purchase behaviors. Current research exploring the link between attitudes and purchase intentions has demonstrated that there is a strong relationship between the two. Zhang, Won, and Pastore (2005) found that positive attitudes toward commercialization of intercollegiate athletics led to greater purchase intentions of corporate sponsors' brands. A more recent study conducted by Koo, Quarterman, and Flynn (2006) revealed that higher levels of attitude toward the brand among Bowl Championship Series (BCS) Championship viewers also led to greater purchase intentions toward corporate sponsors' products. Consumers with lower brand attitude levels were less likely to consider purchasing from event sponsors. These studies support the notion of Spears and Singh (2004) that purchase intentions represent a "favorable intent" to actually purchase products and services from companies. Fan Identification Social identity theory is often used to explain fan behavior in terms of how fans interact with one another in settings where they are supporting their favorite teams and players (Madrigal, 2001; Gwinner & Swanson, 2003). Social identity theory suggests that individuals join groups based on the need to fulfill a certain personal identity, and that being a member of certain groups can provide such an identity. For example, Gwinner and Swanson (2003) state that the prestige of certain organizations may attract group membership because individuals want to appear more prominent or influential. Madrigal (2001) found that fan identification with a university moderated the relationship between attitudes toward corporate sponsors and purchase intentions. When fans rated their attitudes toward corporate sponsors low on the survey scale, those who also rated themselves as highly identified with the university were more likely to purchase from the sponsors than fans who rated themselves low in identification with the university. Highly identified fans seem to desire group affiliation even when their attitudes are negative towards sponsorship in general. Therefore, the fourth research question in this study is the following: RQ4: Will fan identification moderate the relationship between personality fit and (a) attitude toward the sponsor, (b) attitude toward the brand, and (c) purchase intentions? Product Involvement Product involvement refers to "how connected or engaged a product class is to an individual's values" (Traylor, 1981, p. 51). Product involvement is an important aspect of marketing because it can influence how people respond to products and services (Kokkinaki, 1999). If consumers are exposed to marketing communication that is intended to influence their attitudes and behaviors regarding the product being marketed, the level of involvement the consumer has with the product becomes critical. Studies have shown that product involvement has a moderating effect in these situations (Nkwocha et al., 2005; Kokkinaki, 1999). One study found that product involvement moderated the relationship between product fit and attitude toward brand extensions. In this study (Nkwocha et al., 2005), complementarity was found to be significant in the evaluation of lowinvolvement brand extensions and insignificant in the evaluation of high-involvement brand extensions. Another study (Kokkinaki, 1999) revealed that product involvement moderated the relationship between attitudes and usage intentions as well as the relationship between past behavior and actual usage behavior. Therefore, the final research question in this study is the following: RQ5: Will product involvement moderate the relationship between personality fit and (a) attitude toward the sponsor, (b) attitude toward the brand, and (c) purchase intentions? Methods Data for this exploratory study were collected through paper-and-pencil surveys at a NEXTEL Cup event, the NASCAR Samsung 500 at Texas Motor Speedway, in Fort Worth, Texas. There were several hundred surveys distributed to willing participants prior to the start of the race. Permission was granted by the public relations department of Texas Motor Speedway to approach participants as they entered the main gate of the NASCAR Fan Zone area just outside the grandstand of Texas Motor Speedway. As they came through the main entrance, fans were asked if they would be willing to participate in a study regarding the sponsorship of NASCAR drivers. Only participants 18 and older who were attending the speedway were eligible to participate in the study. Four hours prior to the start of the race, data collectors began sampling respondents. Data collectors were trained, volunteer undergraduate and graduate majors in sport management. They were instructed to obtain a random sample by approaching every fourth person and asking him or her to participate in the study and provide willing participants with a survey and informed consent card. This process was repeated until one hour before race time and spectator flow into the venue increased. Data collectors were then instructed to solicit responses from every tenth person. Each participant who was selected, and agreed to take part, completed a 5-7 minute survey. Operationalizing of the Constructs Some of the measures of the constructs were adapted from previous studies through an extensive literature review involving all the constructs. The items used to measure driver and brand personality were modified from Aaker's (1997) study of the dimensions of brand personality, which utilized the same Big Five dimensions of personality in the psychology literature that are used to describe human personalities. The items were measured individually using a seven-point Likert-scale ranging from 1 (Not accurate) to 7 (Very accurate). The product involvement items were from Mittal's (1989) study of consumer involvement. The items were measured using a seven-point Likert-scale ranging from 1 (Strongly disagree) to 7 (Strongly agree). Fan identification was measured using Madrigal's (2001) items from his beliefs-attitudes-intentions hierarchy study. The items were measured using a seven-point Likertscale ranging from 1 (Strongly disagree) to 7 (Strongly agree). The items measuring attitude toward the sponsor, attitude toward the brand, and purchase intentions were constructed from the Lafferty el al. (2002) study of corporate and endorser credibility. Attitude toward the sponsor and attitude toward the brand were measured using a seven-point Likert-scale ranging from 1 (Bad) to 7 (Good), 1 (Unfavorable) to 7 (Favorable), and 1 (Unpleasant) to 7 (Pleasant). Purchase intentions were measured using a seven-point Likert-scale ranging from 1 (Unlikely) to 7 (Likely), 1 (Improbable) to 7 (Probable), and 1 (Impossible) to 7 (Possible). Sample Profile In all, 385 questionnaires were collected-a number that exceeds the requirements for a finite population of 191,000 spectators (the total number of spectators in attendance at the event) (Krejcie & Morgan, 1970). Due to incomplete responses, 38 of the questionnaires had to be discarded, bringing the final sample to 347. The demographic variables analyzed in this study were gender, age, ethnicity, marital status, education level, and household income. The socio-demographic composition of this sample was similar to that of Spann's (2002) study of NASCAR culture. Some of the percentages do not equal 100 due to rounding and/or missing responses. There were more males (58%) than females (38%), and the overwhelming majority (82%) of respondents were Caucasian. The age brackets and their corresponding percentages were: 18-24 (11%), 25-34 (26%), 35-44 (34%), 45-54 (18%), and 55 and older (8%). Over 62% of the sample was married and 23% were single. Thirty-one percent of respondents were high school graduates and 46% had some college or were college graduates. Sixty-seven percent of the sample had household incomes over $40,000 with 24% reporting incomes over $85,000. Development of Measures Due to the exploratory nature of this study, the items measuring the five dimensions of the brand personality construct were factor analyzed using the principal components technique with direct oblimin rotation to identify underlying relationships or factors. This factor analysis technique was used as it is consistent with Aaker's (1997) process and other exploratory studies which have investigated the brand personality construct (Ekinci & Hosany, 2006). The use of factor analysis in this study ensures that the items used create unidimensional measures of the brand personality dimensions of interest (Aaker, 1997). Component analysis is often used when the primary objective is to identify the minimum number of factors in an instrument that account for the maximum portion of the variance in an original data set (Hair et al., 1995; Morton & Friedman, 2002). The results of the factor analysis suggested that three dimensions of brand personality were present rather than five (Aaker, 1997). The first factor accounted for 59.37% of the variance. The items that loaded in factor one were regarded as the unidimensional construct of Excitement/Ruggedness (Dimension 1). The items that loaded in factor two were considered to be the unidimensional construct of Competence/Sophistication (Dimension 2) and accounted for 6.80% of the variance. Factor three included the unidimensional construct of Sincerity (Dimension 3) and explained 6.53% of the variance. One item, "Imaginative," was deleted from the study, as it loaded on factor one and factor two. Reliability measures were calculated for each of the three dimensions of personality fit. Coefficient alpha reliability tests run for each construct satisfied Nunally's (1978) criterion of .60 or higher as a standard for an exploratory research study. Results There were five research questions proposed in this study. These questions guided the exploration of personality fit and its impact on consumers' responses to NASCAR sponsorship. Research question 1, which predicted a positive relationship between personality fit and attitude toward the sponsor, was tested through bivariate correlations. As seen in Table 3, each of the three personality dimensions was significantly correlated with the dependent variable, attitude toward the sponsor: Dimension 1 (r = -.432, p = .000), Dimension 2 (r = - .350, p = .000), and Dimension 3 (r = -.378, p = .000). The negative correlations are due to the scoring of the personality fit index. The personality fit index ranged from 0 (perfect fit - no discrepancy between driver and sponsor personality) to 6 (no fit - complete discrepancy between driver and sponsor personality). Therefore, low numbers on the fit index for each of the three dimensions indicated good fit and resulted in higher attitude toward the sponsor scores; thus, the correlations have a negative sign. The same can be seen for the correlations in research questions two and three. Research question 2, which predicted a positive relationship between personality fit and attitude toward the brand, was tested through bivariate correlations. Each of the three personality dimensions was significantly correlated with the dependent variable, attitude toward the brand: Dimension 1 (r = -.394, p = .000), Dimension 2 (r = -.343, p = .000), and Dimension 3 (r = -.399, p = .000). Research question 3, which predicted a positive relationship between personality fit and purchase intentions, was also tested through bivariate correlations. Each of the three personality dimensions was significantly correlated with the dependent variable, purchase intentions: Dimension 1 (r = -.365, p = .000), Dimension 2 (r = -.310, p = .000), and Dimension 3 (r = -.303, p = .000). Research questions 4 and 5 were tested through hierarchical moderated regression following Cohen, Cohen, West, and Aikenfs (2003) guidelines. Specifically, all variables were first centered to the mean (to reduce the threat of multicollinearity). Dimension 1 (Excitement/Ruggedness), Dimension 2 (Competence/Sophistication), and Dimension 3 (Sincerity), fan identification, and product involvement were entered first followed by the interaction terms. For attitude toward the sponsor, fan identification (β=.226, p=.000) and product involvement (β=.400, p=.000) both had significant direct effects on the dependent variable. There was also a significant Dimension 3 x fan identification interaction (β =.160, p= .000). For attitude toward the brand, fan identification (β =.311, p=.000) and product involvement (β =.224, p=.000) again had significant direct effects on the dependent variable. However, there were no significant interaction effects for attitude toward the brand. For the dependent variable, purchase intentions, only product involvement (β=.530, p=.000) had a significant direct effect. There were no significant interaction effects for purchase intentions. Discussion Research question 1 assessed whether personality fit would be positively related to attitude toward the sponsor. According to the bivariate correlations, there was a positive relationship between the personality fit of NASCAR drivers and their major sponsors and consumers' attitude toward the sponsor. When there was a higher degree of personality fit between the driver and sponsor, respondents also demonstrated more positive attitudes toward the sponsor. This outcome is consistent with previous literature on fit (Roy & Cornwell, 2003), which suggests that high levels of fit produce positive affective and behavioral responses, while low fit "makes people less certain of a firm's positioning" (Becker-Olsen & Simmons, 2002, p. 287). Additionally, our results support Martin's (1996) findings that athlete endorsers and products that fit well often lead to valuable advertising results such as positive consumer attitudes toward the firm. Research question 2 assessed whether personality fit would be positively related to attitude toward the brand. According to the correlation analysis, there was a positive relationship between the personality fit of NASCAR drivers and their major sponsors and consumers' attitude toward the brand. When there was a higher degree of personality fit between the driver and sponsor, respondents also demonstrated more positive attitudes toward the brand. This finding corroborates previous research that indicates that better fit between events and sponsors or celebrity endorsers and products leads to more positive consumer brand attitudes (Koo et al., 2006; Speed & Thompson, 2000). This finding is critical since parent companies sponsoring NASCAR (e.g., Mars) often have multiple brands advertised within the sport (e.g., M&M's, Snickers), but promote each brand separately by placing it on the hood of a different racecar and linking it to an individual NASCAR driver through sponsorship (Kyle Busch #18, Ricky Rudd #88). Another prime example would be Anheuser-Busch, which has more than 60 varieties of alcoholic beverages, but that use the firm's flagship beer, Budweiser, as the major sponsor of Kasey Kahne and the #9 car. Companies that pair their brands effectively with a congruent NASCAR personality may be able to simultaneously differentiate and promote their brands within the same sporting event and to the same target audience. Research question 3 assessed whether personality fit would be positively related to purchase intentions. According to the correlations, there was a positive relationship between the personality fit of NASCAR drivers and their major sponsors and consumers' purchase intentions. When there was a higher degree of personality fit between the driver and sponsor, respondents demonstrated greater intentions to purchase products and services from the sponsors of the NASCAR drivers. Once again, the results extend contemporary research on fit by supporting the fact that better personality fit between athlete endorser and sponsor may improve sponsorship outcomes, such as purchase intentions. In particular, these results support the ideas of Poon and Prendergast (2006), who suggest that fit not only influences consumers' cognitive and affective responses to sponsorship, but their conative processes as well. This result is compelling because it indicates that personality fit, as a sponsorship effectiveness antecedent, would be an important factor for event and marketing managers to consider when selecting sponsorship arrangements that are most congruent and have the strongest financial potential. Research questions 4 and 5 assessed whether fan identification and product involvement would moderate the relationship between personality fit and (a) attitude toward the sponsor, (b) attitude toward the brand, and (c) purchase intentions. The results of this study demonstrated that fan identification and product involvement were significant indicators of NASCAR consumers' attitude toward the sponsor and attitude toward the brand. Product involvement was also a significant indicator of NASCAR consumers' purchase intentions, but did not have any moderating effects on the relationship between personality fit and any of the dependent variables. Fan identification did moderate the relationship between personality fit on Dimension 3 (Sincerity) and attitude toward the sponsor. While these results do not provide sufficient evidence to support moderation, the results are important nonetheless. These results confirm that highly identified fans possess strong positive emotions toward the sponsors of their favorite sporting events and athletes as well as the endorsers' advertised brands. Additionally, the more relevant and important the brand is to the consumer, the more likely they are to purchase that brand. NASCAR fans in this study that selected a favorite driver who was endorsing a product highly relevant to them, were much more likely to purchase the brand than fans who supported drivers with non-relevant brands. Limitations of the Study While this research makes theoretical contributions to the sport sponsorship literature as well as the analysis of the brand personality construct, it is essential to consider the limitations of the study. Conducting future research that addresses these limitations may further strengthen the sport marketing and sponsorship literature. The first limitation of the study is that it was conducted using a convenience sample. Although respondents were selected using random sampling techniques, their voluntary participation was required and, therefore, the sample may not be completely representative of the NASCAR population. Additionally, the sample consisted of 347 responses and a larger sample may have been more representative and provided more generalizable results. Another limitation of the study is that the findings may only be representative of a specific group (NASCAR fans). Since the study asked respondents to identify their favorite NASCAR driver and his major sponsor, then answer the questionnaire based on that pairing, the results provide insight into the attitudes and intentions of NASCAR fans, but not the necessarily the fans of other individual sports. Furthermore, the sample in this NASCAR study was predominantly Caucasian (82%). When the demographics of a sample are skewed in one or more categories, it may be difficult to relate the findings to another sample with a different demographic composition. Although it is not uncommon for the sport of NASCAR to have a large Caucasian audience, it does make generalizing the results of sponsorship effectiveness research to another sport unrealistic. For instance, consumers' perceptions of personality fit between NASCAR drivers and sponsors may be an important facet of sponsorship effectiveness in stock car racing, but it may not be as critical in other professional genres such as action sports for athletesponsor personalities to be congruent. Future research on personality fit and its effects on sponsorship in other professional sports are warranted. -1- Questia, a part of Gale, Cengage Learning. www.questia.com  Publication Information: Article Title: Personality Fit in Nascar: an Evaluation of Driver-sponsor Congruence and Its Impact on Sponsorship Effectiveness Outcomes. Contributors: Windy Dees - author, Gregg Bennett - author, Mauricio Ferreira - author. Journal Title: Sport Marketing Quarterly. Volume: 19. Issue: 1. Publication Year: 2010. Page Number: 25+. © 2010 Fitness Information Technology, A Division of ICPE West Virginia University. Provided by ProQuest LLC. All Rights Reserved.   To Catch a Tiger or Let Him Go: the Match-up Effect and Athlete Endorsers for Sport and Non-sport Brands by Stephen K. Koernig , Thomas C. Boyd To Catch a Tiger or Let Him Go: The Matchup Effect and Athlete Endorsers for Sport and Non-Sport Brands Advertising has infiltrated every part of our day-to-day lives. Each day, consumers are exposed to over 1,500 advertising messages from a variety of sources: television, billboards, radio, flyers enclosed with credit card and utility bills, mobile phones, the grocery store floor, and even public restrooms (Grede, 2002). This onslaught of ad clutter across a myriad of media is also intensifying within each medium. For example, the amount of commercial time in an hour-long television program has steadily increased to 21 minutes (Downey, 2002; Grede, 2002). Not surprisingly, the vast (and increasing) amount of ad clutter has been identified as one of the leading problems for advertisers (Downey, 2002). One commonly used strategy to slice through this ad clutter is to include celebrity endorsers in advertisements (Erogan, Baker, & Tagg, 2001; Lin, 1993; Solomon, 2007). In fact, ads with celebrities account for approximately 20% to 25% of all advertisements (Agrawal & Kamakura, 1995; Stephens & Rice, 1998). Among the most popular celebrity endorsers are athletes, coaches, and other sports personalities (Bush, Martin, & Bush, 2004). Celebrity athletes are demanding increasingly large sums of money to lend their name and image to products, and earned over $897 million for endorsements in 2001 (Agrawal & Kamakura, 1995; SportsBusiness Journal, 2002). In many cases, athletes earn much more for endorsements than they do in their sport career. For example, LeBron James signed endorsement contracts for over $90 million with Nike and Upper Deck trading cards before he was even drafted by a professional basketball team (CBS News, 2003). Perhaps the most mentioned example is Tiger Woods, who in 2000 signed a five-year contract extension with Nike valued at over $105 million, and in 2002 extended his contract with Buick five years for an additional $40 million (DiCarlo,2005). Despite the significant expense associated with celebrity spokespersons, firms continue to pay them large sums of money to endorse their brands. Some research evidence supports this expense; using celebrities as endorsers can be an effective strategy to gain and hold consumer attention (Atkin & Block, 1983), enhance message recall (Friedman & Friedman, 1979), increase believability of the ads (Kamins, Brand, Hoeke, & Moe, 1989), and create positive word of mouth communications (Bush et al., 2004). Celebrities also can help improve brand attitude (Friedman & Friedman, 1979; Kamins, Brand et al., 1989; Petty, Cacioppo, & Shumann, 1983), increase purchase likelihood (Friedman & Friedman, 1979; Kamins, 1989), and increase brand loyalty (Bush et al., 2004). Other research evidence indicates that ads with celebrities are rated as more interesting, strong, and effective; that products in the ads are rated as more pleasant and enjoyable; and that the celebrities themselves are rated as more trustworthy, attractive, and competent (Atkin & Block, 1983). Additionally, investors react positively to the announcement of celebrity endorsement deals, indicating that they perceive the value of thecelebrity to exceed the cost (Agrawal & Kamakura, 1995). Research evidence also indicates, however, that celebrities might not be effective for all brands in all situations, and companies have started to question whether paying celebrities to endorse their brands is the most effective use of company resources (Duncan, 2004; Marketing Week, 2003). In fact, only one out of five commercials containing celebrity endorsers meets companies' strategic expectations (Miciak & Shanklin, 1994). Aside from their high cost, the value of celebrity endorsers may be diminished if they endorse multiple products, or if they endorse (or use) rival products (Agrawal & Kamakura, 1995; Tripp, Jensen, & Carlson, 1994). Celebrities also may prove ineffective when negative press about the celebrity occurs that tarnishes their image and subsequently damages the image of the associated brand (Louie & Obermiller, 2002; Till & Shimp, 1998). Additionally, the effectiveness of the specific celebrity may depend on the type of product being endorsed (Kamins, 1990; Solomon, 2007). For example, Tiger Woods has been effective as an endorser for Nike; however, contrary to expectations, Buick's use of Tiger Woods in car ads have not stemmed the sales decline for their automobiles; nor has it resulted in a decrease of the average age of their buyers. In fact, the average age increased by two years to 65 years old (Popely & Mateja, 2007). Given the high cost and prevalence of using celebrity endorsers in our culture, coupled with the potential downsides of using celebrity endorsers, it is critical for a firm to understand when a specific celebrity (or type of celebrity) should be used for a particular brand. This is particularly true in the case of athletes, whose fame and achievements stem from their sport, but whose private behaviors are increasingly scrutinized by the media. Although frequently used to endorse non-sport brands, the circumstances under which an athlete is effective as an endorser have not been fully explored. Research on the "match-up hypothesis" has empirically addressed the issue of how endorser effectiveness varies based on the type of product being endorsed. More specifically, the match-up hypothesis explains how the congruence between the image of a spokesperson and the image of a brand results in more positive evaluations of the endorser, the brand, and the advertisement. This match could relate to the congruency of the brand with endorser attractiveness, expertise, or other relevant characteristics (Hsu & McDonald, 2002; Kahle & Homer, 1985; Till & Busler, 2000). While empirical research exists investigating the effects of the match-up effect in the context of attractiveness, the match-up hypothesis has received limited empirical attention for other match-up conditions, especially in the area of sport marketing and the impact of celebrity athlete endorsers. Athlete endorsers are of particular interest because they are used not only to endorse sports brands but also to endorse non-sport brands. Although the match-up hypothesis suggests that using athletes to endorse non-sport brands may be ill advised, the heavy use of athletes to endorse non-sport products and brands continues; this mismatch between theory and practice warrants empirical exploration and the study of the match-up effect in the context of athlete endorsers is an important omission given the frequency and high cost of using celebrity athletes as endorsers. Further, athletes present a special case as endorsers because our attitudes and knowledge about them derive not only from seeing them in contrived situations (e.g., movies or events) but also how they behave and perform in spontaneous situations on the field of play. This authenticity may create a different kind of relationship with fans and could result in the high levels of brand adoption by sports fans of brands used by athletes (O'Keefe, 2005). This research seeks to fill this gap in the literature by using the match-up hypothesis as a guide to predict and empirically test the effectiveness of athlete endorsers in two experimental studies. In the first experiment, the importance of matching up the image of the brand with the image of the endorser is examined. Specifically, a well-known celebrity athlete is paired with both a sport-related brand and a non-sport-related brand to determine if the match-up between brand image and sport celebrity image affects consumer attitudes and intended behavior. In the second experiment, the match-up effect is tested using an anonymous model identified as either a famous athlete or not for either a sport-related brand or a non-sport brand. In both experiments, schema theory is tested as the mechanism driving these effects. The implications for the use of celebrities in advertising are discussed and recommendations are provided based on the results. Literature Review McCracken (1989, p. 310) defined a celebrity endorser as "any individual who enjoys public recognition and who uses this recognition on behalf of a consumer good by appearing with it in an advertisement." Celebrity endorsers can include actors, athletes, business people, entertainers, military leaders, models, politicians, and singers (Freiden, 1984; Friedman & Friedman, 1979; Hsu & McDonald, 2002; McCracken, 1989). Even animated spokes-characters can serve as celebrity endorsers (Callcott & Lee, 1994). In general, the multidimensional image of the celebrity (or the cultural meaning embodied by the celebrity) is transferred to the product, and then to the consumer, via advertisements (McCracken, 1989). For example, Walker, Langmeyer, and Langmeyer (1992) measured consumer images of three different products (jeans, bath towels, and VCRs) when they were associated with two celebrities with extremely different images (Madonna and Christie Brinkley). They found that the unique images of the celebrity endorsers were transferred to the various products when they were paired with thatcelebrity. Celebrity images can also be transferred to organizations. Perceptions of an organization become more positive after being linked with a celebrity who consumers like; similarly, perceptions of the organization become more negative when the celebrity is disliked (Langmeyer & Shank, 1993). Certain specific characteristics of the celebrity endorser affect their influence on consumer attitudes and behavior. One widely studied characteristic in the literature on endorser effectiveness is the credibility of the endorser. Several studies have identified source expertise and trustworthiness as key dimensions of credibility (Appelbaum & Anatol, 1972; DeSarbo & Harshman, 1985; Dholakia & Sternthal, 1977; Hovland, Janis, & Kelley, 1953; Ohanion 1990). These components of credibility can work in conjunction or independently to contribute to the effectiveness of an endorser (Wiener & Mowen, 1985). Endorser credibility is important because when endorser credibility is high, consumers are more likely to accept arguments presented in the advertisement, but tend to reject arguments in ads with a source low in credibility (Grewal, Gotlieb, & Marmorstein, 1994). Source credibility may also be impacted by the fit between the brand and the celebrity endorser. The Match-Up Hypothesis The match-up hypothesis provides a theoretical framework that helps link the relationship between the endorser-brand fit and endorser credibility and explains how the image of a spokesperson, in conjunction with the image of a brand, affects consumers' brand and advertisement evaluations. The match-up hypothesis has its roots in the work of Mowen, Brown, and Schulman (1979), who used balance theory (Heider, 1958) to describe the relationships between the endorser, the brand, and the target audience and asserted that an endorser would be most effective when there is a close relationship between all three elements. According to the match-up hypothesis, an endorser will not have a beneficial effect on consumer attitudes and behavior unless the image of the endorser "matches up" with the image of the brand (Kahle & Homer, 1985; Kamins, 1990; Parekh & Kanekar, 1994). For example, an attractive spokesperson would be more effective than an unattractive model in a cosmetics advertisement because cosmetics are related to beauty and an attractive endorser is consistent with this image. However, the attractive model would not be more effective than the unattractive model in an ad for computers because computers are not related to beauty. The attractive celebrity is effective because the match-up between the beautiful celebrity and the beauty enhancing brand results in high credibility- but only for brands related to beauty. Much of the early match-up research focused on physical characteristics of the spokesperson and especially on physical attractiveness. For example, Kahle and Homer (1985) examined the impact of attractive versus unattractive celebrities in razor print ads. They found that attractive celebrities elicited higher purchase intent and more positive attitudes toward the brands than unattractive celebrities. They argued, but did not verify, that razors are associated with attractiveness, and that the congruency of the brand image (as one that increases attractiveness) with the attractive endorser led to the more positive evaluations. Expanding on Kahle and Homer's (1985) study, Kamins (1990) experimentally manipulated the degree to which the brand was related to attractiveness and found a significant relationship between celebrity attractiveness and product type, whereby the ad with the attractive celebrity and the attractiveness-related brand elicited higher evaluations of perceived endorser credibility and more favorable attitudes of the advertisement. The attractiveness of the celebrities did not have any impact in the ads with the brands not related to attractiveness. In contrast, Till and Busler (2000) found evidence of an attractiveness effect but not a match-up effect. In their study, an attractive endorser had a positive effect on brand attitude and purchase intent, but the effect was not significantly greater for an attractiveness-related product. Till and Busler (2000) speculated that this finding might have been an artifact of the product chosen because the link between the product (cologne) and attractiveness may not have been apparent to subjects. Alternatively, they suggested that their manipulation of attractiveness was overly strong, creating effects for attractiveness that led to increased credibility (c.f. Ohanian, 1991). Athletes and the Match-Up Effect Athletes provide an excellent opportunity to examine match-up effects. From a practical standpoint, athletes are widely used as brand endorsers and are an obvious match with brands that are related to athletic activity or that are related to fitness. Athletes presumably have high expertise in athletics, providing them with credibility, and thus they may be more effective as endorsers for sport related brands. For example, in a study examining the credibility of famous endorsers (Joe Montana and Paula Abdul) of L.A. Gear shoes, Nataraajan and Chawla (1997) found that Joe Montana was rated as more credible than Paula Abdul. If consumers perceived Montana's image to match up with that of the shoes, then these results would support the match-up hypothesis. Nataraajan and Chawla (1997) did not find any difference between the credibility ratings of Paula Abdul and a non-famous male model, suggesting that her celebrity status alone did not make up for the absence of an obvious fit between Abdul and the brand. However, the goal of this study was not related to the study of the match-up effect, and as such they did not measure whether subjects thought of the shoes as related to sports (or to Montana). Additionally, only a single measure of credibility was used; ad attitudes, brand attitudes, and intended behavior were not measured. Research evidence also exists suggesting that a perceived match-up between a less well-known (or even unknown) athlete and the brand is sufficient to elicit the more positive response. For example, although not tested in the context of the match-up hypothesis, Yoon and Choi (2005) found that subjects preferred, and reported higher purchase intentions for, ads for sports brands that contained both the product and an athlete, even though the athletes were not famous. Similarly, Boyd and Shank (2004) found higher credibility for less famous tri-athletes endorsing a sport-related product (cross-trainer shoes) than for more famous Olympic stars endorsing a non-sport product (milk). Although Boyd and Shank (2004) found that the match-up between the endorser and the product resulted in higher perceived expertise, they used different athletes (tri-athletes versus Olympic stars) for their different product categories (cross-trainer shoes versus milk) and thus confounded the results. They also did not examine the impact of this match-up on evaluations of the ad or the product. Even an anonymous model purported to be an athlete might elicit match-up effects. In a study using fictional candy bars and energy bars, Till and Busler (2000) used an anonymous model and presented him as either an actor or an athlete for both products. They found a match-up effect of a more positive brand attitude for the athlete compared to the actor for the energy bar. They suggest that these results were caused by increased ratings of expertise of the athlete over the actor. Similarly, Lynch and Schuler (1994) matched an anonymous model in various stages of muscularity with numerous products related to or unrelated to muscularity in print ads. They found that the more muscular the spokesperson was, the more knowledgeable he was perceived to be, but only in ads for products that were related to muscularity. The muscularity of the spokesperson had no impact on attitudes for those products without a relationship to muscularity. It is significant that the endorser had a positive impact, even though he was not known as an expert or celebrity in the fitness industry (nor depicted as one). Taken together, the attractiveness match-up research coupled with the limited sport-related research suggests that a celebrity athlete should be most effective when endorsing a sport-related brand. In particular, the match-up between the image of the celebrity and the image of the brand should contribute to more positive perceptions of the endorser, attitudes toward the brand and ad, and increased purchase behavior. Additionally, even an unknown athlete or a person depicted as an athlete should elicit more positive responses when endorsing a sport versus a non-sport brand. This leads to the following hypotheses: H1: When the endorser is a famous athlete, attitudes toward the endorser, the advertisement and the brand, and purchase intent will be more positive for a sport-related brand than for a non-sport related brand. H2a: For a sport-related brand, attitudes toward the endorser, the advertisement and the brand, and purchase intent will be more positive if the endorser is identified as an athlete compared to if the endorser is not identified as an athlete. H2b: For a non-sport related brand, there will not be any difference in attitudes toward the endorser, the advertisement and the brand, or purchase intent if the endorser is identified as an athlete compared to if the endorser is not identified as an athlete. A Theoretical Perspective - Schema Theory Schema theory can be used to explain the anticipated attitudes and behavior that will result when a celebrity athlete matches up (or doesn't match up) with the brand. According to Fiske's (1982) two-category model, judgments about the endorser and brand are influenced by the endorser-brand match. According to this model (see also Fiske & Pavelchak, 1986; Sujan, 1985) a two-stage process, including categorization and evaluation, affects judgments about the brands. When the image of the endorser in the advertisement matches with the brand category, the affect associated with the endorser is immediately applied to the brand category. When a mismatch occurs between the endorser and the brand and is thus inconsistent with the stimulus individual, increased thinking about the inconsistency results (Sujan, 1985). Thus, an advertisement with an endorser whose image is consistent with consumer expectations of the brand will induce immediate affect; however, if the endorser's image is inconsistent with expectations, increased elaboration will result over the inconsistency. In the context of celebrity endorsers and sport marketing, when an athlete endorses a sport-related brand (versus a non-sport brand) the advertisement should generate fewer ad-related thoughts than when the same model is not identified as an athlete (or is not an athlete) because the brand and endorser images are consistent with one another; this consistency induces immediate affect. However, when there is an inconsistency between the athlete and the brand, consumers will think more about this mismatch. This leads to the following hypotheses: H3: When the endorser is a famous athlete, there will be fewer thoughts generated for a sport-related brand than for a non-sport related brand. H4a: For a sport-related brand, there will be fewer thoughts generated if the endorser is identified as an athlete compared to if the endorser is not identified as (and not known as) an athlete. H4b: For a non-sport related brand, there will more thoughts generated if the endorser is identified as an athlete compared to if the endorser is not identified as (and not known as) an athlete. Method - Experiment 1 Overview In order to explore the role of the match-up effect in the context of celebrity athletes as product endorsers, Experiment 1 consisted of a between subjects design with two experimental conditions. In the first condition, subjects viewed an advertisement with a wellknown athlete endorsing a sport-related brand, and in the second condition subjects saw him endorsing a non-sport related brand. Subjects were randomly assigned to one of these conditions and after viewing the ad, they responded to items measuring the dependent variables and demographic characteristics in a selfadministered questionnaire. The total sample size was 55 subjects recruited from undergraduate business courses consisting of 43.6% females (56.4% males) with a mean age of 22.9 years (ranging from 20 to 38 years of age). The subjects were familiar with the product categories and the brands included in this study and thus were considered satisfactory for the purposes of this study. Pre-test A pre-test was conducted to select a sport-related brand and a non-sport related brand for inclusion in the ads. Forty-two subjects from the same population as those individuals that participated in the main study (but who were not included in the main study) rated a number of different clothing brands on two sevenpoint semantic differential scales. One was anchored with non-sport brand and sport brand, and the other was anchored with non-fashion brand and fashion brand. The brand's relation to fashion was important because the impact of consumer involvement with the product category was tested in the main experiment. Clothing brands were selected as the product category because they would be familiar to the subject population and are purchased by the population. Based on the results of the pre-test, the non-sport related brand selected for this study was The Gap and the sport related brand was Champion, rated as low (M=2.05) and high (M=6.10) as a sport brand, respectively (t=10.499, p Read More