Live8 and the Democratic Republic of Congo - Report Example

Impact of Live8 on G8 and the Democratic Republic of Congo Africa, once known as the Dark Continent, seems to be living up to its The continents’ 850 million people are poorer today than they were 25 years ago (Masand 2005). This is largely as a result of the widespread conflicts the continent has experienced in post-colonial times, which have been the biggest impediments to development. The situation has not been improved by inefficient and corrupt governments and leaders more keen on lining their coffers rather than on addressing the genuine needs of their people. Western governments have also not hesitated to support tyrants and military dictatorships when it suited their interests. In the cold-war era, Africa became the battleground for super-power rivalry and many of the ills facing the continent can be traced to this period. It is only now that the developed world has woken up to the magnitude of the crisis engulfing Africa prompting the Tony Blair sponsored ‘Commission for Africa’ to note, “ African poverty and stagnation is the greatest tragedy of our time,” (Commission for Africa 2005, p 13). There are some who question why the world should be so concerned about poverty and why the world community should contribute to Africa’s development when the same resources can be used domestically to improve the living standards of their own people. The answer is simple. Because Africa, where one child dies every second is a blot on our collective conscience. Prime Minister Tony Blair has spoken of “recognising the common bond of humanity”, as has Bob Geldof, the social activist, musician and brain behind the Live8 concert, “to extend the hand of sympathy and shared humanity to reach above the impenetrable roar and touch human beings on the other side (Commission for Africa 2005, p 66). To that extent the objectives of both Prime Minister Tony Blair and Live8 organiser, Bob Geldof seem to match. There is also another factor; self-interest. In the post-9/11 era it has become more and more evident that poverty spawns terrorism and that terrorism is a global phenomenon that recognises no boundaries. Black holes such as the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) can and are becoming sanctuaries where terrorists can hatch their plans undisturbed by weak and inefficient governments. When such countries are themselves embroiled in conflict, as in the case of the DRC, where government control does not extend to the whole of the country, the situation is even more critical. Prime Minister Tony Blair also acknowledges this fact when he says it is imperative that, “….we act on the long-term problems that can give rise to issues of terrorism and security” and that “…we’re going to store up a lot of problems for ourselves in the future” (Time 11 July 2005, p 4). The 31st G8 summit and the Live8 concerts timed to precede the summit focussed attention on the plight of Africa. Just how much the Live8 concerts affected the outcome of the G8 summit is a moot point, since the actual details of the announcement made at the summit had been worked out earlier. Also debatable is how much the G8 summit itself has contributed to alleviate the sufferings of the African multitudes, considering that the aid comes with strings attached and that the root causes of poverty, namely trade subsidies and tariffs, are not being addressed by the developed world. Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) Situated almost at the centre of Africa, the DRC is the only country in the continent that has nine neighbours, and is the largest country in the Congo basin. Sparsely populated, the DRC is a fertile country, rich in natural resources and mineral wealth. Despite its vast potential, the country remains one of the poorest in the region on account of, “decades of economic mismanagement, corruption, lack of investment in infrastructure and widespread insecurity caused by political conflicts” (Sold Down the River). The DRC has a long history of conflict, right from colonial times. After independence in 1960, it fared no better, witnessing two military coups that brought into power equally inept Presidents. The first coup in 1965 was by General Mobutu who stayed in power until ousted by Laurent Kabila in 1997, both of whom had US backing. When Kabila assumed power in 1997, Western governments were willing to extend developmental assistance in return for guarantees on democracy and human rights. However matters went from bad to worse with the assassination of Laurent Kabila in 2001. His son Joseph Kabila is now at the helm of affairs and under him the country is showing some signs of military and political stability. In 1998, war broke out in the DRC, in what has been called the first ‘African War’ (Sold Down the River), because of the number of countries involved, causing a major decline in economic activity. It divided the country into rebel and government-held areas with little or no economic activity between the two. Historically, mining of copper, cobalt, diamonds, gold, zinc and other base metals, and petroleum extraction accounted for 75% of total export revenues and about 25% of the GDP (World Bank 1, Country Brief). The conflict also brought to a halt logging operations throughout the country which also contributed to the decline of the economy, reducing government revenue and increasing external debt. Per capita GDP in the 1980s was only a third of that in 1962 and it declined further in the 1990s (World Bank 1, Country Brief). In July 1999, a ceasefire was signed between the government, major rebel groups and foreign countries involved. Conditions have improved since then, especially after the withdrawal of foreign troops in 2002, but much still needs to be done. As mentioned in the Wikipedia Encyclopaedia, “Poor infrastructure, an uncertain legal framework, corruption and lack of openness in government economic policy and financial operations remain a brake on investment aid and growth” (Wikipedia1). With a transitional government in power, it seems that the present peace might hold until elections scheduled for April 2006 are held. Elections earlier scheduled for June 2005 had to be postponed due to logistical problems. G8 Summit The 31st G8 summit was held in July 2005 at the Gleneagles Hotel in Perthshire in Scotland. As hosts, the UK had set the priorities for the summit as Africa’s economic development and global warming. Prior to the summit, the finance ministers had met in London and an agreement reached to “write off the entire $40 billion debt owed by 18 Highly Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC)” (Wikipedia 1a), owed to various financial institutions such as the World Bank and International Monetary Fund. 20 other countries would also become eligible for similar debt relief on condition of fighting corruption and economic reform. The stringent terms necessary to qualify for debt relief have attracted adverse comments by various activist who are of the opinion that aid must be given with no strings attached. The agreements reached disappointed many social organisations, with Action Aid bemoaning the “yawning gulf between expectations raised and policy promises delivered” (Economist July 16 2005, p 74). Yet others felt that it was the most productive summit in the recent past since it committed the G8 nations to a time bound action plan. Apart from pledging $50 million as aid to developing countries by 2010 (Africa’s share $25 billion), G8 members from the EU also agreed to commit a collective aid target of 0.56% of GDP by 2010 and 0.7% of GDP by 2015 (Wikipedia 1a). More importantly, there was also the stated commitment to reduce subsidies and tariffs that inhibit trade. Two arguments undermine the supposed gains of the summit. Firstly, the commitments are only a reiteration of funds already pledged on previous occasions. Secondly, the funds would only be available in a phased manner in the later part of the decade, thus of little use to the starving poor of today, who will probably be dead anyway by 2010. Economists however, point out that a country has to be able to absorb the quantum of aid on offer, with there being a limit to the developmental work that can be undertaken in a year. Nevertheless, the EUs commitment is more than generous when one takes into account the fact that aid will be, “ the fastest growing item of public spending in several member states – at a time when all European members of the G8 are nursing big budget deficits” (Economist, July 16 2005, p 74). The summit was also the start of a campaign spearheaded by Bob Geldof aimed at increasing public awareness and force world leaders into focussing on world poverty. In the words of Bob Geldof, “(this was) without doubt a moment in history where ordinary people can grasp the chance to achieve something truly monumental and demand from the eight world leaders at G8 an end to poverty” (Live8 – The Long Walk to Justice). Among the demands placed before the G8 were doubling aid, debt cancellation and an end to trade barriers. Live8 Live8 was a series of concerts in July 2005, one in each of the G8 countries with an additional concert in Johannesburg, South Africa to drive home the African connection. Many likened it to the Live Aid concert held 20 years ago, but the organisers were at pains to highlight the difference. The Live Aid concert was primarily a fund-raising effort that generated £79 million in aid, which was sent to the world’s poorest countries. The Live8 concerts on the other hand, “are the start point for the Long Walk to Justice, the one way we can make all our voices heard in unison”, to garner support and mobilise public opinion, the idea being to “overwhelm the eight politicians attending with the amount of public support for the principles of the Make Poverty History campaign” (Wikipedia 1c). An estimated three billion people witnessed the concerts live on television. Since the concerts sported a musical line-up of the most acclaimed celebrities including the likes of Paul Mc Cartney, Madonna and Elton John, it attracted considerable media attention. During the concert, artists on stage appealed to viewers to log on the Live8 website and to sign a petition to be presented to the G8 leaders. After a slow start, the campaign succeeded in collecting 26 million signatures (Gazze, M 2005). The concerts certainly succeeded in raising public awareness in people in all walks of life, with young and old alike rallying to the cause. One teenager is quoted as saying, “There’s so much we take for granted. You don’t often think about people who are dying and starving everyday” (Gazze, M 2005). The concerts also raised awareness of the power of the G8 and how the G8 could make a difference to the ‘Make Poverty History’ campaign. A feather in the cap for Live8 was when it received the support of Pope Benedict, when he also appealed to world leaders to end poverty. But did the concert have any effect on the G8 leaders and the outcome of the summit per se? By the time the concerts were organised, the key meetings of the foreign ministers, where decisions regarding debt-cancellation and future projections were debated had already taken place. Therefore, to say that the announcements made at the summit were as a direct outcome of the pressure generated by the concerts would probably be a little far-fetched. It is also unlikely that developed countries will agree to modify trade structures overnight, when these very structures enabled them to become rich in the first place, often at the cost of the very same countries that they now profess to save. Yet, it must be admitted that the concerts sent a clear message to the leaders of the G8 countries on where the sympathies of their population lay and this may well have an effect on decisions taken by these countries in the future. Developments in Africa The real barrier to development and poverty alleviation is the absence of free trade. Unless existing trade structures are amended by the developed world, developing countries will continue to remain in the clutches of poverty. Increasing the competitiveness of indigenous goods in the international market is the only way out of this impasse. An increase of just one percent in the world share of international trade would generate some $70 billion, which is considerably more than the aid being received and would have a direct impact on some 128 million people (Yale Global Online). It is not enough for western governments to keep harping about corruption, democracy and human rights. They must do something about the unfair trade practices that exist, since trade not only results in development but also in economic and social benefits to all sections of the population, which is what democracy is all about. In short, the West must practice what it preaches. Parallel to the G8 summit, African leaders gathered in Libya under the aegis of the African Union to set their own house in order. What emerged from the deliberations was that Africa must not depend on Western aid alone, but must help itself by enforcing acceptable standards of financial management and good governance, in order to attract more investment in the continent, not necessarily in the form of aid. An offshoot of the AU, the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) is in the process of drawing up confidential reports in respect of each of the 23 countries, including the DRC that have voluntarily joined the scheme, which will lay out an action plan to be followed by these countries to ensure sustainable development. Impact on the DRC The G8 commitment on debt reduction extends to the DRC, which has one of the highest debt burdens, estimated at $12billion, which is equivalent of 225% of its GDP (World Bank 1). As one of the Highly Indebted Poor Countries, the DRC became eligible for debt reduction announced during the summit, having qualified for the same by virtue of fulfilling certain norms including the submission of Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers which “expresses the Congolese governments determination to involve the entire population and domestic and foreign partners in the revival of the country in a participatory and sustainable manner” (World Bank 1a). However, the internal situation remains unstable; 16 million people have critical food needs, 70% of the population has little or no access to health care and infant mortality at 1,850 per 100,000 live births is the highest in Africa (World Bank 1). The plan to write-off the debts of 18 nations, 14 of them in Africa sounds good on paper, but the debts were not being repaid anyway. Moreover, the amount of $14 billion is just a fraction of the continents total debt burden of $300 billion (Time, July 11 2005, p44) and hence, the call by Live8 that if Africa is to progress, the entire debt must be written-off. Well known social activists Syed and O’Keefe feel that “the whole spectacle of the G8 nations’ concerns for the plight of Africa is mired in hypocrisy” (‘One’ Good Plan). The view is rapidly gaining ground that what Africa needs is not charity but freedom – freedom to pursue its own path to development as per the needs of their people. The West is only exploiting the wealth of the DRC and anyone following policies contrary to Western interests are marginalised, as were Patrice Lumumba, Congo’s only democratically elected prime minister and Laurent Kabila who gained power with US assistance, but soon fell out of favour. So while the commitment to set aside a percentage of GDP as aid is commendable, what is required is to “remove the strings of neo-liberal restructuring that aid is often liked to, and cancel the foreign debts of Africa” and to move “beyond the impoverished rhetoric of noblesse oblige and charity’ (Syed and O’Keefe). That the WTO talks are not making much headway is an indicator that the developed world will try to hold on to its advantage for as long as possible, even while demanding concessions from the impoverished and developing world. The impact Live8 had on the DRC itself is difficult to quantify. Some Africans believe that apart from reviving the sagging careers of a few artists and providing an evening of amusement, besides clearing their own consciences, the concerts had very little direct impact on the lives of the common people. Live8 also came in for criticism that it only reinforced the West’s attitudes towards Africa – the ‘White man’s burden’ of the past which is being reinvented in a different form. The artists also came under attack for their hypocrisy in denouncing poverty while having ostentatious life styles. There were also demands that since they would benefit through increased sales of their albums as a result of the publicity garnered, they should contribute a portion of the profits for the development of Africa. On analysis, although peace is likely to prevail in the near future, it is going to be a tenuous peace at best, depending upon the containment of ethnic violence. The DRC’s neighbours have an important role as they have used the unstable conditions along the borders to make off with the DRC’s mineral and forest wealth. Long term peace- keeping operations would probably be required until the DRC pulls itself out of its current economic morass, which may extend to a even a decade. There is thus a need to strengthen the mandate and capabilities of the MONUC otherwise incidents like the massacre of Congolese refugees in Burundi and threats of invasion from Kigali, which vitiate the security environment will continue to occur to the detriment of economic development. In the absence of mechanisms to ensure peace and stability, the DRC with its attractive natural resources will continue to be beset by economic problems due to “exploitation by rich Western states and corruption by local and regional regimes” (Harris, Paul 2005). Thus, unless measures initiated in 2005 are sustained by continuous engagement resulting in visible improvements on the ground, the situation is unlikely to improve. 20 years after Live Aid, which promised to eradicate poverty in Africa, Africa remains as impoverished if not actually worse-off. The impact of Live8 too will wear off unless the root causes of poverty continue to be highlighted, which lie in the economic imperialism being imposed by the North on the South. To keep the momentum going the organisers and participants of Live8 must visit the continent and participate in relief operations to show their commitment o the cause if they and the Live8, want to leave a lasting impression. References Commission for Africa Report 2005. Retrieved November 25, 2005 from http://www.commissionforafrica.org/english/report/thereport/english/11-03- 05_cr_report.pdf Economist, July 16 2005. Gazze, Mary, ‘Will the Impact of Live 8 Last’, G8 Information Centre. Retrieved November 26, 2005 from http://www.live8live.com/whatsitabout/index.html Harris, Paul 2005, ‘Congo’s International Civil War’. Retrieved November 26, 2005 from http://www.pinr.com/report.php?ac=view_report_id=74&language_id=1 Live 8, ‘The Long Walk to Justice’. Retrieved November 25, 2005 from http://www.live8live.com Masand, Tom, ‘Africa Leaps Forward’, Newsweek July 11 2005. Sold Down the River, ‘Part II – Country Profiles, Democratic Republic of Congo’, Retrieved November 26 2005 from http://www.forestmonitor.org/reports/solddownriver/dre.htm Syed, Itrath and O’Keefe Derrick 2005, ‘One Good Plan’. Retrieved November 26, 2005 from http://www.thetyee.ca/Views/2005/06/30/OneGoodPlan Time 11 July 2005, ‘10 Questions for Tony Blair’. World Bank 1, ‘Country Brief’. Retrieved November 26, 2005 from http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/COUNTRIES/AFRICAEXT/CONG ODEMOCRATICEXTN/O,,menuPK:349476~pagePK:141132~piPK:141107~theSite PK:349466,00.html World Bank 1, ‘Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper’. Retrieved November 26, 2005 from http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/COUNTRIES/AFRICAEXT/CONG ODEMOCRATICEXTN/O,,menuPK:349480~pagePK:141132~piPK:141123~theSite PK:349466,00.html Wikipedia Encyclopaedia, 1a, ‘Economy of the Democratic Republic of Congo’. Retrieved November 25, 2005 from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Economy_of_the_Republic_of_the_Congo Wikipedia Encyclopaedia, 1b, ‘31st G8 summit’. Retrieved November 25, 2005 from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/31st_G8_summit Wikipedia Encyclopaedia, 1c, ‘Live 8’. Retrieved November 25, 2005 from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Live_8 Yale Global Online, ‘Africa Needs Fair Trade, Not Charity’. Retrieved November 26, 2005 from http://yaleglobal.yale.edu/display.article?id=6210 Read More