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Governor Rod Blagojevich - Research Paper Example

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This research paper "Governor Rod Blagojevich" regards Rod Blagojevich, who served as governor of the State of Illinois. The administration of the governor was known for corruption, namely “pay to play” schemes that involved quid pro quo of political favors in exchange for contributions…
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Governor Rod Blagojevich
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This paper regards Rod Blagojevich, who served as governor of the of Illinois from 2003 until his resignation in 2009. The administration of the governor was known for corruption, namely “pay to play” schemes which involved quid pro quo of political favors in exchange for contributions. While certainly politicians are entitled to ask for contributions, they are not allowed to make political favors conditional upon receiving said contributions, which is what governor Blagojevich was convicted of doing. This paper will examine the case, from the background of what the governor was charged with, the prosecutor's summation, the defense summation, the final verdict and final sentencing. In the end, the governor received 14 years in prison, of which he will have to serve 12 years. Since this was one of the longest prison sentences on record for a public official, the message in this case is that corruption will end in prison. Introduction Rod Blagojevich was an Illinois Governor who was probably one of the most, if not the most, corrupt politicians of all time. This governor was involved in several “pay to play” schemes, which means that he would only give political favors if he received something in return, mainly campaign contributions. He was wiretapped by the FBI, and was heard on tape discussing these schemes. They include a corrupt deal involving a tollway, a horse racing track and a children's hospital. He also was caught attempting to extort the editors at The Chicago Tribune, stating that, if they did not fire certain editors and start giving him favorable press coverage, he would block the sale of Wrigley Field, which was a deal that the Tribune was attempting to make. The most egregious example of corruption, however, and this example made him nationally famous, is the deal regarding the vacant senate seat of Barack Obama. The governor was caught on tape attempting to sell this seat for political favors for him and his wife, or, in the alternative, substantial campaign contributions. The government brought charges against him with regards to these incidents, in the case of The United States of America v. Rod R. Blagojevich and John Harris, AO 91 (Rev 5/85). The final trial where the governor was convicted of 17 charges of corruption was in May and June of 2011, with the sentencing of 14 years occurring in December of that same year. In the end, the message to not only Blagojevich, but to corrupt individuals everywhere, is simple – if you engage in corruption, then you will pay. The Events The events that eventually led Rod Blagojevich into prison were long-standing and wide-reaching. Indeed, he was probably one of the most corrupt politicians in the history of politics. The summary of what Blagojevich was involved in can be stated in the words “pay to play.” In other words, Rod was shaking down multiple players in efforts to enrich himself as governor. The tollway project was $1.8 billion, and Governor Blagojevich was privately seeking the person to benefit from this contract to contribute $100,000 to Blagojevich’s campaign (Justice Department Briefing on Blagojevich Investigation). Other examples include a shakedown involving Children's Memorial Hospital. The governor awarded $8 million funding for this project, and was privately asking the CEO of that hospital to make a $50,000 contribution to him. When the contribution was not forthcoming, the governor was intercepted by the government on the telephone, asking that the funding for the hospital be rescinded. A 2007 horseracing scandal was also included in the 76 page complaint against the governor. In this case, the governor had a bill on his desk that would divert money from casinos in the state and put this money into horseracing tracks. A phone interception showed that the governor was seeking $100,000 from an individual who was working with the person who was attempting to get the bill passed. The governor further stated to this individual, and this was also intercepted by the FBI, that he would not pass that bill unless he got his $100,000 contribution (United States of America v. Rod Blagojevich and John Harris). Moreover, the governor was also involved in extortion with regards to the Chicago Tribune. In this case, this paper was not kind to Blagojevich, and had, in fact, called for his resignation from office. The governor apparently blamed a certain editor for these scathing editorials. The governor then had John Harris, who was his Chief of Staff, call the Chicago Tribune and state that if the Tribune wanted to complete its business venture regarding Wrigley Field – the Tribune was attempting to sell its part of Wrigley Field at this time – then the paper had to fire the editors who were responsible for the editorials against the governor. At that time, the governor demanded that these editors be fired, and that the paper give him editorial support (United States of America v. Rod Blagojevich and John Harris). John Harris, who was also involved in the schemes, and therefore was a co-defendant with the governor in the case against the governor, put the terms to the Tribune in a more polite manner, stating that it would be better for the paper if they fired the editors, if the paper wanted the deal with Wrigley Field to go through (Justice Department Briefing on Blagojevich Investigation). Besides John Harris, another person who was involved with the governor's corruption was Tony Rezko, who himself is serving a prison sentence for corruption. According to the criminal complaint against Blagojevich and Rezko, in 2002, the two men were involved with a third party, Ali Ata, who was seeking a high level appointment in the Blagojevich administration. At the time that Ata got involved with Blagojevich, the governor was a representative in the United States House and was seeking higher office. Rezko was a fundraiser for Blagojevich. Ata agreed to raise funds for Blagojevich's campaign if Blagojevich agreed to appoint Ata to a high level position should he become governor. Rezko was also involved in this fundraising scheme, and, later, Ata was offered a high level position, as promised when he made substantial donations to the governor's campaign (United States of America v. Rod Blagojevich and John Harris). While these events are certainly corrupt, they are not necessarily the ones for which Blagojevich is known for outside of the City of Chicago. What got the governor's name in the national news involved the Senate seat which was vacated by Barack Obama, as Obama was about to take his oath as President. In this case, in late 2008, the governor was intercepted stating that he did not plan on giving the seat away, because the seat was too valuable - “It's a bleeping valuable thing. You just don't give it away for nothing” (Justice Department Briefing on Blagojevich Investigation). He also stated “I've got this thing, and it is bleeping golden. And I'm not just giving it up for bleeping nothing. I'm not going to do it, and I can always use it...” (Justice Department Briefing on Blagojevich Investigation). In exchange for the Senate Seat, the governor was requesting numerous reciprocations including “an appointment as secretary of health and human services or an ambassadorship, an appointment to a private foundation, a higher paying job for his wife or campaign contributions” (Justice Department Briefing on Blagojevich Investigation). The governor was also requesting a prestigious job with a union, and that the president-elect Obama, in exchange for the benefits from the union, would get the candidate of his choice. Patrick Fitzgerald, the United States attorney general investigating the governor was very careful, however, to state that Obama was not implicated in the governor's schemes in any way (Justice Department Briefing on Blagojevich Investigation). The Trial The cases against Blagojevich commenced with a 76 page complaint against him. The court was a federal court seated in the Northern District of Illinois, Eastern Division (United States of America v. Rod Blagojevich and John Harris). The initial criminal charges were two counts – count one accused the governor of mail and interstate wire communication fraud. The second count listed the extortion involving the Chicago Tribune/ Wrigley Field deal (United States of America v. Rod Blagojevich and John Harris). At trial, which took place May-June of 2011, however, the governor faced 20 counts, which included counts for attempted extortion and bribery (Harris, 2011). The prosecution focused upon the evidence supporting the corruption counts, and in the closing argument, in summary, the prosecutor told the jury that the governor had lied to them throughout the seven days of testimony that the governor presented. The summary was that the governor had used his power in office to procure personal favors for himself. The prosecutor, Carrie Hamilton, used the image of a corrupt traffic officer in her closing argument, stating that she wanted the jury to see Blagojevich as similar to a traffic officer who stops individuals, then asks the individual for $50 to make the ticket go away. The prosecutor stated that, even if the transaction is not completed, the cop is still guilty of corruption simply because he asked for the money. Just like this cop, the prosecutor stated, Blagojevich is also guilty of corruption, even if the transactions in question were not completed. The mere asking for the money from the companies and individuals was the crime, according to the prosecutor (Harris, 2011). Additionally, the prosecutor in her closing argument asked that the jury should listen to the wiretaps as they deliberate, because listening to the wiretaps would make the case “crystal clear” (Harris, 2011). She also, in her closing statement, linked the evidence to the charges, one charge at a time. It should be noted that this was the governor's second trial – the first trial ended up in a hung jury. In that first trial the jury stated that the case against the governor, which focused not only upon the corruption, but on the governor's personal habits, like lavish shopping and odd working habits, was too “scattershot” (Harris, 2011). Therefore, in the second trial, the case was streamlined – 15 witnesses were called, which was half of what was called in the first trial; the topics presented to the jury were focused upon the corruption charges, not extraneous issues; and the witnesses were asked fewer questions (Harris, 2011). As for the defense, they obviously had a lot of ground to make up. After all, the governor was on wiretap attempting to shake down individuals and corporations for personal gain, and he was also on wiretap attempting to extort. The defense was that the governor never received money from anybody, and that he was all talk – he talked about doing the things for which he was accused, but was not serious. The defense stated that the governor had never made a decision to do any of the things for which he was accused, and this means, therefore, that he did not have the intent to commit the crimes. He also pointed out that the governor testified on his own behalf, and that he did not have to do this. The defense also questioned the credibility of the prosecution witnesses, stating that Gerald Krozel and John Johnston, two witnesses in the case, were testifying on the condition of immunity for their own crimes. Another witness, Lon Monk, was imprisoned at the time of the trial, and was testifying in exchange for being freed. Further, the defense was that, on the tapes, that Rod was “thinking out loud,” and that the governor was all talk (Fox Chicago News). The defense also tried to counteract the major charges, one by one. Regarding the issue with the tollway, the governor's lawyer, Aaron Goldstein, stated that the governor announced the smaller program because if he announced the larger program before the bill, he would lose support from Chicago Mayor Richard Daley. Moreover, Goldstein reminded the jury that it is not a crime for a politician to solicit campaign donations. The governor is even allowed to seek donations even if he has a bill pending before him. While it is a crime to ask for a quid pro quo, it is not illegal to ask for money. Regarding the funding for the children's hospital, the defense stated that the governor was the health care governor, and that he would never attempt to make actions which would harm his health care agenda. Goldstein stated that the governor held up funding for the hospital because of budget concerns. Regarding the attempted sale of the senate seat, Goldstein stated, once again, that Blagojevich was all talk; he talked about wanting certain favors, but that the governor did not actually call anyone for these favors (Fox Chicago News). Earlier on in the trial, when the governor took the stand, the governor stated that his deceased friend, Christopher Kelly, was to blame for the corruption. The governor stated that, regarding the horse track racing incident, that Kelly was involved in this. Kelly, the governor explained, was in prison for tax evasion, and wanted a pardon. Kelly wanted the bill passed, because he hoped that he would win a pardon in this way. The way that Kelly thought that this would win a pardon was convoluted – George Steinbrenner, then owner of the Yankees, was a horseracing executive who had the ear of then Florida Governor Jeb Bush. Kelly hoped that his involvement in the horseracing issue would put him in good stead with Steinbrenner, who would then pass the good word to Jeb Bush, who would, in turn, ask President Bush for a pardon. Because Kelly wanted the bill passed for nefarious reasons, the governor chose not to pass the bill. The prosecution claimed that the bill didn't pass because the governor did not get the contribution for which he asked. Blagojevich also stated that he did not pass the bill because he felt that his political nemesis, House Speaker Mike Madigan, had sneaked in provisions that would weaken him as governor and strengthen Madigan (Korecki et al., 2011). Therefore, the governor gave the jury legitimate reasons why he had not wanted to pass the horseracing bill, and these reasons had nothing to do with the fact that the asked-for campaign contributions were not forthcoming. The Verdict On June 28, 2011, the jury found the governor guilty on 17 counts of corruption. The jury deadlocked on another count, and found him not guilty on one count. At that time, the governor faced a maximum prison sentence of 300 years. The jury had deliberated for nine days (Belkin & Banchero, 2011). At the sentencing hearing, in December of 2011, the attorney for Blagojevich admitted, for the first time, that the governor had committed crimes, and that the governor had accepted the verdict against him. Sheldon Sorosky, who was the attorney pleading for a lenient sentence, stated that while the governor did commit crimes, these crimes were not worthy of a long prison term. The attorney stated that the governor had already paid for his crimes, as he was publicly humiliated and financially ruined, therefore he asked for a sentence of two years in prison (Belkin & Banchero, 2011). In the end, however, Blagojevich received a prison sentence of 14 years. Under the federal guidelines, Blagojevich is required to served at least 85% of his prison term, which would amount to 12 years in prison (Keen, 2011). Conclusion Although the state of Illinois is known for its corrupt politics, Rod Blagojevich perhaps is the most corrupt of them all. The evidence showed that the governor was consistently demanding quid pro quo on contracts and financing awarded. He stated that he would not give a contract to help build a toll road unless he got a large campaign contribution. He made funding of a children's hospital conditional upon receiving a substantial contribution from the CEO of that hospital. He made passing a bill regarding horse racing conditional upon receiving a substantial contribution. He threatened the editors at the Chicago Tribune, stating that, if they did not agree to give a large contribution, he would block the sale of Wrigley Field, a sale that the Tribune was trying to pass. He even brazenly attempted to sell the senate seat which was vacated by Barack Obama. Through it all, he maintained his innocence, reiterating, time and again, the implausible excuse that he was merely “thinking out loud.” He was not demanding these things, so his defense stated, but, rather, was merely wishing for them out loud. He never received a penny, according to the defense, but this was only because the “players” which he asked to “play” his game were not up to playing the game after all. Perhaps this is the most striking part of the case – politicians are corrupt, or so the stereotype goes, but the people from whom the governor attempted to bribe appeared to have ethics. They did not want to contribute in order to get favors from the governor, and this is the only reason why the governor never received money. In the end, the 14 year prison sentence spoke louder than did any words. The message was loud and clear – if you abuse public trust, then you will pay. If you attempt extortion and bribery, you will pay. The people of Illinois have put up with corruption for far too long, and this is what the prison sentence was about. A slap on the wrist would not send out the proper message regarding the governor's conduct. The governor was greedy and corrupt, and abused his position repeatedly. The judge in this case simply would not stand for this. Add in the fact that the governor, and his wife, appeared not to be taking the whole case seriously – Blagojevich appeared on Celebrity Apprentice and his wife appeared on the reality show I'm A Celebrity, Get Me Out of Here (Jones, 2011) – and the lengthy prison term seems understandable. The governor's two children, who are currently quite young, will be young adults by the time he gets out. Thus, the message was heard, loud and clear, that any politicians who attempted to come into the state office and literally put that office for sale, will pay the price. Bibliography Belkin, D. & Banchero, S. (2011, June 28) Blagojevich convicted on corruption charges. WSJ.com. Retrieved from http://online.wsj.com/article/SB1000142 4052702304447804576411762209533524.html Fox Chicago News (2011, June 9) Defense attorney Aaron Goldstein says Blogojevich likes to talk a lot, but committed no crime. FoxChicagoNews.com. Retrieved from http://www.myfoxchicago.com/dpp/news/metro/rod_blagojevich/rod-blagojevich-former-gov- retrial-defense-aaron-goldstein-closing-arguments-20100609 Jones, B. (2011, Dec. 6) Prosecutor tells jurors: Blagojevich lied to you. USAToday.com. Retrieved from http://www.usatoday.com/news/nation/2011-06-08-rod-blagojevich-retrial-corruption_n.htm Jones, B. (2011, Dec. 6) Blagojevich lawyer: Ex-Governor's actions were crimes. USATODAY.com. Retrieved from http://www.usatoday.com/news/nation/story/2011-12-06/rod-blagojevich- sentencing/51666496/1 Justice Department Briefing on Blagojevich Investigation (2008 Dec. 9). TheNewYorkTimes.com. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com/2008/12/09/us/politics/09text-illinois.html? pagewanted=all Keen, J. (2011, Dec. 7) Lengthy Blagojevich sentence meant to send others a message. USATODAY.com. Retrieved from: http://www.usatoday.com/news/nation/story/2011-12-07/rod- blagojevich-sentencing/51692782/1 Korecki, N., Turner, L. & Pallasch, A. (2011, May 27). New defense at Rod Blagojevich trial: Blame his dead friend. Chicago Sun-Times.com. Available at: http://www.suntimes.com/5630463- 417/new-blagojevich-defense-blame-dead-friend.html The United States of America v. Rod R. Blagojevich and John Harris, AO 91 (Rev 5/85) (criminal complaint). Read More
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