Changes in Roles of African Women Triggered by Colonial Rule - Literature review Example

Changes in Roles of African Women Triggered by Colonial Rule Without doubt, the onset of the colonial era set forth dynamics for unstoppable change in all African societies. The changes were the bedrock of modern social and economic advances that have characterized the African women in the 21st Century. While the colonial aspects of change have been blamed for cultural erosion among the colonized communities, they have also been praised for setting the stage for triggering socio-economic developments that mark advancement in the modern world. As such, colonization is what triggered the rapid rise of the African woman to a relatively independent, self-sustaining and competitive being. Respectfully, this essay evaluates how the roles of African women changed due to the initial interaction with the colonial masters. Special focus is given to the Agikuyu women of Kenya, whose subsequent cultural adaptation after the entry of British colonizers are compared to those of the Zimbabwean women. Agikuyu is the most populous tribe in Kenya, occupying the central region of the country and mainly practicing farming. Any analysis of the changes brought about by colonial rule cannot fail to reflect upon the cruel nature of colonial rule, especially in the two territories (Kenya and Zimbabwe – formerly known as Southern Rhodesia) that had to resort to guerilla warfare to regain their territorial independence. The British employed direct means of governance (popularly referred to as direct rule) in both Kenya and Zimbabwe. This system ensured maximum interaction between the colonizers and the colonized communities. The onset of colonization triggered a period of mistrust between the Agikuyu and the British (Finke, par 2). Though previously unknown to each other, the British entry into Kenya was marked with immediate mapping of regions with viable resources for economic exploitation. This was meant to ensure that the British government would incur minimal administrative costs in running the affairs of the colonies. The Agikuyu (also known as Kikuyu) dwell on the central part of Kenya that is characterized with extensive mountains and fertile lands. With the remarkable lack of mineral resources and large tracts of semi-arid to arid land characterizing the territory, the colonialists resorted to large scale farming on the largely viable central highlands (Finke, par 7). This meant that the Agikuyu had to be dispossessed of some of the land that they initially owned. The women, whose main roles included cooking, children rearing, mat weaving, and transporting trade goods to market places shared with the Akamba found themselves caught up in the new unanticipated changes that were triggered by the growing colonial influence. Apparently, the compulsory land acquisition was done forcefully. This event marked the beginning of the remarkable turn-around for Kikuyu women’s change of culture (Turner, par. 16). The first aspect of social change observed among the host Kikuyu women was a transition from the traditional religion to Christianity, an event vthat was happening concurrently across many other parts of Africa, including Zimbabwe and with far similar effects (Afrikan Eye, par. 8). Another aspect of change among the Kikuyu women was transition from the traditional labor setup to a commercialized setup in which they did not own the produce but were paid for their services. Traditionally, men cleared the bushes for their wives to cultivate crops. According to the Food and Agricultural Organization of the United Nations, the roles were automatic and shared. Subsequent cultivation and harvesting responsibilities rested with the mans wife, but if it was needed, particularly during times of illness or incapacitation, additional labor could be drawn from the mans other wives (par 4). Apparently, the transition to Christianity also discouraged polygamous unions. As a result, the communal aspect of co-wives helping each other out when one fell ill was eventually eroded as more marriages turned monogamous. The church members who worshipped with the affected member turned to be her benefactors in cases of need, effectively replacing the duty of co-wives to each other. Furthermore, the Kikuyu women were collectively undergoing a society transition from the barter system of trade into the monetary system. This demanded that they engage in paid labor, which was only available in British-owned plantations. FAO noted: The first "hut taxes" (East Africa Hut Tax Ordinance 1903) and the later Poll Tax (Native Hut and Poll Tax Ordinance 1910) were partly intended to coerce Africans, who would not otherwise have sought wage employment, into finding jobs in plantation agriculture or in urban areas in order to be able to pay their taxes (par. 5). An important aspect of the locals’ engagement in paid labor was the introduction of taxes, which were to be remitted by all mature people, including each man and his wives. This tactic forced every affected individual to offer their services to the colonial masters irrespective of their marriage unions or will. For the first time, Kikuyu men were losing control over the wives, a privilege they had always enjoyed. Instead, new masters were taking control; the employers and colonial administrators. As a result, women realized for the first time that their men were also subject to higher authorities, which occasioned the subsequent clamor for equal treatment among Kikuyu women. According to Kikuyu novelist and expert in Kikuyu history and traditions Ngugi wa Thiong’o (p. 41), the women developed an attitude that translated to undermining men’s authority, including forcing their way into church when men resisted conversion. The accuracy of the information that Ngugi relays is proven through the numerous publications he authored, most of which dwell on cultural aspects of the tribe to which he belongs (he is Kikuyu). In Zimbabwe, the British employed almost similar policies to those used in Kenya, taking over large tracts of land from the more fertile highland regions and along the River Zambezi (the longest river in Zimbabwe extending through neighboring Mozambique to the Indian Ocean). Due to the land sizes and high costs of importing machinery, the British opted to enact policies that would force both men and women to work in the farms. Men were forced to leave their roles as blacksmiths and cattle herders to work in the farms, a role exclusively played by women in the pre-colonial era. This created a sense of equality as both men and women worked on similar terms. Similar to the Kikuyu women, the Zimbabwean women also began to settle for a more independent social setup, having their own money and paying taxes as the man did (Wojcicki et al, 7). The emergence of modern urban centers such as Nairobi led to the mass movements of men from neighboring districts seeking paid labor. Equally, the liberation movement Mau Mau (Mau Mau adopted guerilla warfare techniques against the British and is largely credited for the gain of independence in Kenya) of the 1950s experienced the arrest of masses of Kikuyu men who were engaged in the struggle for freedom. The Mau Mau was a local anti-colonialism union that attempted armed struggle against the British rule. The movement mainly comprised fighters drawn from the Kikuyu tribe. The above two occurrences led to many women being left to take care of their families whenever their men were away. As a result, the women developed a sense of financial independence and many became breadwinners for their families after their husbands were convicted and murdered as per their sentences. In Harare, women underwent similar financial transitions, acquiring greater independence over time. However, the development has been slower due to the fact that Zimbabwe attained independence much later than Kenya, and that the economic setup has been controlled by engagement on mining activities which almost entirely excludes women (Action for Southern Africa, par. 6). The advent of the monetary economy and the adoption of monogamy at the expense of polygamy saw the first engagement of Kikuyu women in direct trade. Nonetheless, there were signs of segmentation in the world of trade, with women opting for smaller and less rewarding businesses. These included such businesses as small kiosks and shops for selling kales, tomatoes and onions to the increasing urban populations (Food and Agricultural Organization of the United Nations, par. 14). Some took over brewing of new beer brands, effectively deserting the traditional beer brewed by men in the village settings. These activities led to greater financial independence for the women, an influence that grew significantly among their kin in the rural setups. Similarly, Zimbabwean women have for long owned small exclusive businesses in the outskirts of large urban centers (Wojcicki, van der Straten and Padian, 706). This shows that similar routes for penetration into the business world were availed to women in both communities. Colonialism also exposed the Kikuyu people to cultures that were not initially condonable. For instance, for the first time, single women (not widows) emerged. Initially regarded as a loathsome lot, these women went on to weave their way and command respect among the rest of the community. Additionally, the women acquired the freedom to make arrangements with potential suitors, overlooking the traditional arrangement that involved cross-matching. Cross-matching partners for marriage was henceforth regarded as deprivation of the woman’s right to make an independent and informed choice, thereby marking the beginning of the end of forced marriages. According to Wojcicki et al. (p. 4), the culture of matching young girls to potential suitors for future marriage arrangements has since ceased to exist in Zimbabwe, highlighting the fact that women in this country have also attained their deserved independence from the belittling culture. In effect, the populations residing in the more urbanized regions of the country were the first to split away from this cultural tie due to their greater interaction with foreigners, including the British settlers who acquired large tracts of land for plantation farming. In this respect, the role of the colonialists in liberating the Zimbabwean women from their initial traditional setting occurred two-fold: through the direct rule established across the country and the subsequent interactions of urban-based women with the families of the British. The last aspect of change that will be assessed in this essay is the influence brought about by the introduction of formal education. Up to the time that the British introduced formal education in Kikuyuland (the Central Highlands which form the main geographical location within which the Kikuyu live), the local women relied solely on informal skills nurtured by continuously watching adults perform their duties such as cooking and washing. The informal skills were totally meant to help the young woman grow into a good future wife (Food and Agricultural Organization of the United Nations, par. 11). However, formal education prepared the women for job competition with other learned members of their communities, including the men. As a result, there emerged a dignified class of learned members of society that looked down upon the illiterate and semiliterate in society. For the first time, education became the tool that enabled women to acquire dignified statuses at the expense of the lesser educated, including men in their villages. This class of women overshadowed the men and women who had acquired lesser education. Similarly, the Zimbabwean women have continued to excel in academics, grossly overcoming the financial and class hurdles placed against their advancement by society (Action for Southern Africa, par 8). Clearly, the role played by colonialism in bringing African women to their more dignified and self-sustaining statuses is not disputable. The colonial era led to advancements that enlightened the women and made them feel that they can be as productive and reliable as their husbands. While the change has been gradual, the marks left by the evolving culture of African women offer overwhelming assurances that women are no longer the simple, under-dignified members of society they used to be before the onset of the colonial era. After all, it is all a matter of getting the right opportunities. Works Cited Action for Southern Africa. 30 Year on: What is Life Like for the Women of Zimbabwe? (2010). Web. http://www.actsa.org/newsroom/2010/05/30-years-of-independence-what-is-life-like-for-the-women-of-zimbabwe/. Afrikan Eye. The Effect of Colonialism on African Women. (2007). The Chaotic Soul Theme. Web. https://afrikaneye.wordpress.com/2007/03/08/the-effect-of-colonlialism-on-african-women/. Finke, Jens. Kikuyu – Colonial History: First Contacts with the Wazungu. (2003). Web. http://www.bluegecko.org/kenya/tribes/kikuyu/history2.htm. Food and Agricultural Organization of the United Nations. Chapter: The Changing Rural Capital and Labor Markets. (n.d.). http://www.fao.org/docrep/u8995e/u8995e05.htm. Ngugi wa Thiong’o. The River Between. (1965). Nairobi: Heinemann. Turner, Terisa. Mau Mau Women. (2000). Web. http://www.uoguelph.ca/~terisatu/MauMau/. Wojcicki, Janet M., Ariane van der Straten and Nancy Padian. Bridewealth and Sexual and Reproductive Practices among Women in Harare, Zimbabwe. AIDS Care. 22(6) (2010): 705-710. Read More