Puerto Ricans in the United States - Report Example

Puerto Rican in United s Introduction Puerto Rico, often called an island, is the smallest and easternmost of the Greater Antilles. It is formed by three inhabited islands: Puerto Rico, Culebra, and Vieques, Puerto Rico is the largest of them. These three islands have a combined area of approximately 3,500 square miles (Ayala and Rafael 2). According to a 20006 study, Puerto Rica’s population was close to four million people (qtd. in Ayala and Rafael 2). Presently, about half of categorized or self described Puerto Ricans live outside of Puerto Rico. Their host cities in most cases are New York, Chicago, Philadelphia, and Hartford (Ayala and Rafael 2). During 1940’s, among 70,000 Puerto Ricans living in United States, about nine-tenths were settled in New York. Within in next ten years, rate of Puerto Rican migration to U.S. mainland reached to 40,000 per year. During 2000 to 2010, the number of migrants rose to 244,000(Rodriguez 4-6). This research paper briefly explores Puerto Ricans in America, their migration, major causes that led to mass migration, and their status in United States. Economic Stir and Prelude to Migration The early decades of this century, from 1898 to 1930, and the post-World-War II decades, from 1950 to 1975 are considered to be the phase of expansion. The later period, between 1930 and 1950, and between 1975 and present is characterized as slowdown or crisis period. Both of these phases exhibited distinct patterns of Puerto Rican’s migration to and from the U.S. mainland (Ayala and Rafael 4). New York and Philadelphia: Migrant destinations Although New York had been a focus of attention for scholars and public for immigrants’ destination, the history of immigrant settlement is characterized by dispersion. During 1940, nearly 88 percent of Puerto Ricans lived in New York, however, only 58 percent of lived there in 1970 and the number reduced to one third by 1990. On the other hand, Puerto Rican population grew rapidly in Philadelphia and reached to 14,000 from less than 2,000 within a decade. With 27,000 in 1970 and almost 68,000 in 1990, Philadelphia remained the third largest Puerto Rican community in country, after New York and Chicago (Whalen 2). Whalen asserts that history of Puerto Rican migration to Philadelphia after WWII resolved the issue of Puerto Rican invisibility from U.S. history. U.S. immigration history was full of European immigrants while Puerto Rican immigrants were entirely ignored despite being U.S. citizens since post-WWII. Puerto Ricans were not included in most U.S. labor, social, and women’s postwar history. Although the works on Puerto Rican immigrants are increasing, Puerto Rican community is still ignored (Whalen 3). When Puerto Rican migrants went to Philadelphia, the city’s economy provided jobs and housing and sustained migration. Despite the fact that Puerto Ricans sensed abundance of work in Philadelphia, they confined themselves to the secondary labor market. These jobs offered poor pay, compromised working conditions, provided little security, demanded fewer skills, and limited opportunity of economic mobility. Puerto Ricans as labor migrants occupied particular niches in labor market that is divided on the basis of race and gender. Puerto Rican women were overwhelmingly cluttered in manufacturing jobs. On the other hand, Puerto Rican men were concentrated in the service sector, for instance, hotels and restaurants and manufacturing as well. Regardless of limited option, jobs were available in Philadelphia; therefore, more Puerto Rican women (36 percent) joined labor force than women in the whole city (34 percent) in 1950s.Similarly, 74 percent of men where in labor force as compared to 77 percent of men in the whole city (Whalen 137-138). According to a 1954c study, about 69 percent to Puerto Ricans were employed which higher proportion in comparison to the others is living in the similar neighborhood (qtd. in Whalen 138). Migrants who survived and settled in the city also helped their friends and family to migrate and work. Due to the fact that they had sustained migration, their social networks were more effective in certain kinds of jobs than others. Puerto Ricans struggled to restore their household economies as they lived in poverty when men, women, and even children worked (Whalen 138). After migration some households focused on subsistence economic activities while others relied on commercial agriculture in declining sugar, tobacco and coffee industries. Government sponsored labor programs or Por su cuenta also brought massive number of migrants to Philadelphia. Philadelphia’s economy kept going with migration by providing them labor jobs. In most cases, men worked outside the city in agriculture industry, on the other hand, women were recruited in garment industry located inside the city. Moreover, social networking accelerated migration as migrants helped each other get jobs and find housing. When people get settled in Philadelphia, they financed and assisted more people to settle in the city. These people found labor jobs in Philadelphia; however, they struggled to restore their household economies since Philadelphia transformed to a service society from manufacturing one. Puerto Ricans considered Philadelphia their home but they became displaced migrants there, they lost jobs when factories got close or relocated (Whalen 2). Economy and Life in Puerto Rice During postwar era, economic changes displaced Puerto Rica’s rural population. The major Puerto Rican industries, such as, agriculture, agricultural processing, and needle work industries declined. On the other hand, economic development strategy relying on export-oriented industrialization failed to provide alternate jobs, therefore, employment ratio decreased during 1950. U.S. and Puerto Rica’s colonial relationship defined migrants place in the economy and led to be U.S. citizens. Government policies on both sides influenced and promoted migration while assuring that political and economic causes of migration are perfectly blended. The regional aspects of economic change and government policies affected local Puerto Rican communities. They responded to changing conditions and opted migration as economic survival strategy. Migrating in the search of work, with or without government assistance was the prime strategy (Whalen 4). Early Puerto Rican migration after America-Spain War was a response to uncertain working conditions in local agricultural economy at the end of nineteenth century. However, massive migration took place during post-WWII era when U.S. citizenship was granted to Puerto Ricans by Jones Act in 1917.During 1940 and 1960, Puerto Rican economy transformed from sugar, tobacco, needle work into industrialized export oriented economy. Puerto Rica’s agrarian economy was fraught with problems. The seasonal nature of sugar, tobacco, and coffee production left people with larger part of the year as unemployed. Moreover, competition in the same product market gave rise to stagnation in the level of production. Since 1930s, Puerto Rican population increased dramatically. The increasing population of working people exceeded the local economy’s capacity to generate jobs for them. Therefore, unemployment and underemployment was common issues. With the start of industrialization, facilitating forces were already there to uproot rural population to urban areas either inside of Puerto Rica or outside (Falcon and Dan 61). Despite industrialization of economy, sterilization of women, and massive migration, Puerto Rica’s economic problems persisted during 1960s and 1970s.Moreover, it became evident that while thousands of Puerto Ricans migrating to U.S., as many are coming back, aggravating the Puerto Rica’s economic problems. During 196s, industrialization led to significant rise in wage rate; however, size of the labor force either remained static or declined. In Puerto Rican manufacturing industry, hourly wage increased from 29 percent to 41 percent of the U.S. average and continued to rise, but double digit unemployment rates of 13 to 16 percent remained (Census 1980 qtd. in Alicea 61). In addition, 1960s made it obvious that U.S. companies in Puerto Rica were unable to establish strong foundations. As their term of exemption status finished, they moved from Puerto Rico and left its inhabitants unemployed. Inability of Fomento program to improve local economy was also evident. Most of the new manufacturing plants were sub-plants of major manufacturing companies (Alicea 61). According to Reynolds and Gregory, by the end of 1961, only 10 percent of Formento held local investment (qtd. in Alicea 61).Moreover, a Centro study stresses, it implies that price of labor, profit ratios, and other commodities was determined by economic policies and economic relationship in U.S. rather than by local workers and firms(qtd. in Alicea 61). In 1940s, more than 150,000 Puerto Ricans migrated to U.S., during 1950s, another 430,000 Puerto Ricans migrated to the United States. This massive migration happened at a point when Puerto Rican economy was going through its most radical transformation (Alice 41).According to the History Task Force (1979) it was rather surprising to observe the unusual sight of a flourishing economy with a shrinking workforce and reducing employment (qtd. in Alicea 61). This outmigration accelerated the transformation of the Puerto Rican economy to industrialization as it worked as a pressure valve that decreased the tension between the number of jobs and available workers (Alicea 61). Major Cusses of Puerto Rican Mass Migration After World War II, Puerto Rico transformed from an agricultural economy with population that was rural for the most part, to an industrialized society comprised of mostly urban population (Whalen 2).Economic historian James Dietz attributes it to be one of the fastest industrial revolutions since the shift from agricultural to industrial society was compressed into no more than twenty-five years, from late 1940s to 1970s (qtd. in Whalen 2). Government policies and economic change triggered massive emigration from Puerto Rico’s rural areas to urban areas, in Puerto Rico and United States as well(Whalen 2). Attributing it as greatest contemporary exodus, demographer Jose Vazquez Calzada estimated that more than a million Puerto Ricans migrated from rural areas during 1940 and 1970. Approximately 700,000 of them moved to Puerto Rican urban areas and 388,000 moved to the continental United States. Within three decades, Puerto Rican rural population decreased from 70 percent to 42 percent (qtd. in Whalen 2). In addition to these dramatic shifts, growing Puerto Rican population also caused migration and their dispersed settlement in United States. Migration rate was highest during post WWII period as population grew from less than 70,000 in 1940 to 1,391,463 in 1970(Whalen 2). The major factors that led to Puerto Rican migration to United States in general are primarily postwar circumstances, its regional and gendered dimensions, and economic changes. Puerto Rican men and women migrated to Philadelphia and other regional parts of U.S. during post World War II period. Whalen argues that it was interplay of structural factors and influences of human agency that shaped migration. Puerto Ricans migrated and joined labor force in U.S. due to their displacement from Puerto Rican rural economy. Secondly, due to availability and migrant status, Puerto Ricans were hired as labor force through both formal (government led sponsorship) and less formal employers. Despite getting U.S. citizenship, Puerto Ricans were not usually welcomed as community members due to their laborer status. Puerto Rican migrants were looking for a better life and working opportunities in a global market (Whalen 4). Political situation of Puerto Rico After the onset of American rule, history of Puerto Rico can be divided into two epochs, before and after WWII. Both eras represent two entirely different phases, firstly, an early period of economic expansion which is characterized by dominant political parties, productive and state structure, and labor organizations are formed, secondly, a phase of economic slowdown characterized by structures and institutions under increasing pressure. If we consider the bigger picture, there appears a complex expression and combination of variety of political and economic forms of subordination (Ayala and Rafael 4). Puerto Rico Island remained a colonial population and most electorate was never in favor of an independent republic in Puerto Rico. Moreover, it has repeatedly preferred U.S. citizenship rather lasting union with United States. A major problem is the freedom to go to the United States under any political status. Most Puerto Ricans and even politicians want to retain this free movement even if Puerto Rico becomes an independent state. Therefore, pro-independence movement is unable to find mass following in Puerto Rico since mid-twentieth century (Duany 16). Carrion (1980, 1996) argues that independence struggle is not supported by considerable number of native ruling and working class Puerto Ricans. Therefore, independence has always been a project of radicalized segment which include: small merchants, manufacturers, liberal professionals, independent artisans, and government officials (qtd. in Duany 16). For instance, in 1930s,the prime leadership of the Nationalist Party was consisted lawyers, physicians, journalists, and small business owners(Ferrao qtd. in Duany 16).Most of the local traders and entrepreneurs didn’t join hands with nationalist discourse because they valued their ties with U.S. association more than anything else(Gonzalez Diaz qtd. in Duany 16). According to Rodriguesz, in United States, Puerto Ricans have organized themselves to represent their rights and interests in stateside politics for more than a century now. Works Cited Ayala,J. Cesar, and Rafael Bernabe. Puerto Rico in the American Century: A History since 1898.North Carolina: University of North Carolina Press, 2007.Print. Alicea, Marisa. “The Latino Immigration Experience: The Case of Mexicanos, Puertorriquenos, and Cubanos.” Handbook of Hispanic Cultures in the United States:Sociology. Ed. Felix Padilla,Nicolas Kanellos, and Caludio Esteva-Fabregat.Texas:Arrte Publico Press,1994.41-46.Print. Duany,Jorge. Puerto Rican Nation on the Move: Identities on the Island and the United States. North Carolina: University of North Carolina Press, 2002.Print. Falcon,F. Luis, and Dan Gilbarg. “The Latino Immigration Experience: The Case of Mexicanos, Puertorriquenos, and Cubanos.” Handbook of Hispanic Cultures in the United States:Sociology. Ed. Felix Padilla,Nicolas Kanellos, and Caludio Esteva-Fabregat.Texas:Arrte Publico Press,1994.61.Print. Rodriguesz,M.V. Felix. “Puerto Ricans in the United States: Pat, Present and Future.”csgeast.The Counsil of State Governments,9 Dec.2013.Web.22 April.2014. Whalen,T.Carmen. From Puerto Rico to Philadelphia: Puerto Rican Workers and Postwar Economies. Philadelphia: Temple University, 2001.Print. Read More