The Legacy of Flix Houphouet-Boigny Cte dIvoire - Essay Example

The Legacy of Félix Houphouët-Boigny – Côte d’Ivoire Contents Introduction 3 Houphouët-Boigny 3 After Houphouët-Boigny 5 Implications for the future 8 Conclusion 9 References 10 Introduction Born on October 18, 1905, Félix Houphouët-Boigny was the first president of the Republic of Côte d’Ivoire, formerly the Ivory Coast, and through his work he created a prosperous and strong nation throughout the 1960s and 1970s. He took office in 1961, when Côte d’Ivoire achieved independence and maintained peace throughout his reign (Tangeras & Lagerlof, 2009). Through his diplomatic and political skills, Houphouët-Boigny was able to bring together many different elements and led the country forward as a unified whole. This effect was so strong, that during Houphouët-Boigny’s reign, Côte d’Ivoire was perceived as a model state and one to be aspired to. Consequently, on Houphouët-Boigny’s death, he left a significant legacy in his country. Since Houphouët-Boigny died, the sovereign state has been subject to significant inner conflict which cumulated in a civil war and high tensions across the country. Currently, with a democratically elected president of Côte d’Ivoire, there is a chance that the legacy of Houphouët-Boigny will be realized and the country may return to stability and economic prosperity. Houphouët-Boigny Côte d’Ivoire is a highly diverse state, containing more than 60 different ethnic groups. The varied nature of this population makes peace difficult, and the effectiveness of political power has varied depending on the political leader (Cocodia, 2008). This diversity is prevalent throughout the African nations and is thought to be one of the key factors. Currently, there are approximately 20.2 million people living in Côte d’Ivoire (BBC News, 2011). The main ethnic groups in the region are Akan, which comprise 42.1% of the population, Voltaiques or Gur (17.6%), Northen Mandes (16.5%) and Krous (11.5%). A number of small ethnic groups also exist. Religion is also highly varied, with 38.6% of the population being Muslim, 32.8% Christian, 11.9% Indigenous and 16.7% none. This distribution is confounded by the fact that approximately 70% of migratory workers are Muslim and 30% are Christian (Central Intelligence Agency, 2012). These factors show the significant challenges that Houphouët-Boigny faced in the creation of a unified country. Additionally, they show the ease in which the country could fall back into tension and conflict. Each ethnic or religious group has different perceptions about many things, such as politics and rights. Consequently, if a president aligns himself with a particular group, he may anger two or three others. This makes the creation of a representative and unifying government difficult. Félix Houphouët-Boigny achieved peace and unity in his country through two means. The first of these was the redistribution of wealth away from ethnic groups that were traditionally rich to those that were poor. This was a crucial move as it not only helped to stabilize the state’s economy, but it also assisted Houphouët-Boigny to become recognized as a fair leader as his own ethnic group was one that he shifted funds away from. Furthermore, this aided to provide strong ethnic stabilization as no group was treated as superior to another. Secondly, Houphouët-Boigny worked to maintain peace through sharing and redistributing power (Tangeras & Lagerlof, 2009). While he was in power, Houphouët-Boigny maintained a strong conscious focus over politics and the distribution of power among ethnic groups. In doing this, he was able to avoid the buildup of tensions within the nation (Cocodia, 2008). Through these actions, Houphouët-Boigny was able to create a government that most people supported. As president, Houphouët-Boigny maintained strong authority, significantly grew the economy of Côte d’Ivoire and gained respect from his people by running a highly representative government (Cocodia, 2008). Despite the fact that both Houphouët-Boigny and his successor had a significant background in trade, it did not help to increase the trade unions within the country nor their influence (Nani-Kofi, 2012, p. 34).The country had been viewed by many as an example of a stable state. However, as had been seen in many other countries, such as Iraq or the Soviet Union, the loss of a strong leader results in chaos (Cocodia, 2008). Houphouët-Boigny died in 1993, after 33 years in presidency. His death marked the beginning of turmoil, unrest and ethnic rivalry within his country (Tangeras & Lagerlof, 2009). While Houphouët-Boigny used his political power to balance the different groups within the state, his successors did not do this. Instead, they made use of the differences between ethnic groups to establish and maintain political power. This method of leadership encouraged the diversity within the state, turning different ethnic groups against one another (Cocodia, 2008). After Houphouët-Boigny After Houphouët-Boigny’s death, there was a struggle for who would take on his role and lead the people. The primary candidates for this role were Henri Konan Bedie, who was the president of the National Assembly, and Alassane Ouattara, who was Houphouët-Boigny’s Prime Minister. Bedie was the eventual victor, and under his regime, differences between members of the population were emphasized. His policies resulted in the differentiating of people who were considered to be full Ivorians, known as Ivorités, and those who were not. Discrimination was not limited to regional aspects of the population, but people of lower classes were also treated poorly and were not considered to be citizens. The regime was considered to be repressionist and corrupt, and was overthrown in 1999 (Nani-Kofi, 2012, pp. 35-37). Bedie was considered by many to be Houphouët-Boigny’s rightful successor, and when he was overthrown, the period of peace and prosperity that the country had been experiencing came to an end (BBC News, 2011). The new ruler of Côte d’Ivoire was General Robert Guei, who undertook a strongly military regime and further emphasized the ideas of Ivorités. In 2000, Guei’s regime organized an election which was marred by significant violence and protests. Despite declaring himself the winner of these elections, popular protest forced him from power and Gabgbo became president (Nani-Kofi, 2012, pp. 35-37). The year 2000 marked the beginning of violence which escalated to a rebellion in 2002. The conflict killed thousands of people and fighting was prominent until 2004. By this point, the government controlled the south section of the country while rebels occupied the north. Peacekeepers patrolled the zone between the two areas to ensure that no further fighting broke out. It was aimed that elections would be held to end the conflict and unrest, and these were finally undertaken in 2010. However, the results of these were far from ideal, and they created greater distress and unrest within the country. Although Alassane Ouattara was internationally recognized as the winner of the elections, Gbagbo refused to secede (BBC News, 2011). Stable, fair leadership of Côte d’Ivoire ended with the death of Houphouët-Boigny after 33 years in power. Attempted democratic approaches to controlling the country have also had little success and the skirmishes that were prominent in the years after Houphouët-Boigny’s death between political rivals have grown in both size and intensity. The 2010 Côte d’Ivoire elections did not provide any stability to the restless country and fighting has increased to the point of civil war. Many refugees have fled Côte d’Ivoire into neighboring states. The implications of this civil war are significant and history indicates that the bloodshed and fighting could extend for a decade (The Economist, 2011). This conflict resulted in a country that was very different than the prosperous one that had been present during the reign of Houphouët-Boigny, and even after the 2010 elections, it did not appear that there was any chance that the country would return to the state that it had been in when Houphouët-Boigny was the president. Côte d’Ivoire’s political problems have implications that extend beyond its own borders. By midway through 2011, 100,000 refugees had arrived from Côte d’Ivoire into Liberia, a state that has only recently finished its own civil war. It is highly possible that the perceptions and tensions of the refugees may reignite the tensions still present in Liberia and bring that state also back into war. Countries in West Africa have a long history of drawing other neighboring countries into their civil wars and, consequently, there is significant fear that this will occur not only with Liberia, but with other African countries (The Economist, 2011). If the civil war in Côte d’Ivoire does expand to other countries, then it will grow in size as well as potentially increasing the extent of the conflict as well as its duration. Implications for the future The conflict in Côte d’Ivoire extended from the time of Houphouët-Boigny’s death, remaining present even through an internationally recognized election that was designed to end the tension and fighting. Finally, in April 2011, military overrun the presidential palace and were finally able to install Ouattara, the democratically elected president (BBC News, 2011). The legacy of Houphouët-Boigny suggests that it may be possible for Ouattara to bring his country together despite the widespread ethnic differences that are present. However, there are still many sentiments remaining from the long and bloody civil war, and peace is far from guaranteed. Ouattara will have to work hard to ensure peace within the country, and it is still a long way from peace to the economic growth and stability that Houphouët-Boigny generated in Côte d’Ivoire. The effectiveness of Houphouët-Boigny as a leader suggests that a charismatic and visionary leader has the potential to pull a country together and find peace for a region where peace appears impossible. Such leaders are able to limit the effects of different ethnic factors and help their citizens to focus on a common goal. Consequently, in cases such as this, where the majority of the population identifies with the leadership, it is possible and effective to have a one party system and the nature of the leader can help reduce any differences in perception that remain (Cocodia, 2008). International pressure has been influential in trying to return the country to a state of democracy, such as through the 2010 election. Although, even with this assistance, it was a significant amount of time before the democratically elected leader was able to take his place as the president in action. It is difficult to know whether international aid will be required to help Ouattara to become the leader that Houphouët-Boigny was. Perhaps, the influence of the international environment may be useful in removing those that incite violence. However, if history is an indicator, Ouattara may be able follow Houphouët-Boigny’s legacy and return his country to stability without any assistance from outside forces. The problems experienced by Côte d’Ivoire are not unique to this state, but instead, in many ways they are a manifestation of difficulties experienced by post-colonial Africa in general. The population of Africa is becoming increasingly divided along lines of geography, religion or ethnicity, and this is becoming a prominent factor in most major elections (Nani-Kofi, 2012, pp. 41-42). Despite the work of Houphouët-Boigny in trying to create an enduring legacy of peace, fighting and turmoil continue in Côte d’Ivoire. This suggests that if any solutions are found for Côte d’Ivoire, only then these may be able to be more widely applied to African countries. The reverse could also be true, that eventually, despite the best governmental efforts, the diversity within Côte d’Ivoire may prove to be too strong and conflict is inevitable. Conclusion Côte d’Ivoire was once an example of prosperity within West Africa. Under the rule of Houphouët-Boigny, the country experienced stability and economic growth. Houphouët-Boigny was a visionary and a charismatic leader who managed to hold together a country containing many differing and conflicting elements. Since his death, Côte d’Ivoire has been torn apart by conflict and civil war, and it only with the arrest of Gbagbo and the movement of Ouattara into power that there may be some hope for peace within the war-torn country. It is still too early to know what Ouattara’s leadership will mean for Côte d’Ivoire, however, the legacy of Houphouët-Boigny shows that it may indeed be possible for Ouattara to once again bring the country into economic growth and peace. References BBC News. (2011, December 21). Ivory Coast profile. News Africa Retrieved April 19, 2012, from http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-13287216. Central Intelligence Agency. (2012, April 13). Cote DIvoire. The World Factbook. Retrieved April 20, 2012, from https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/iv.html. Cocodia, J. (2008). Exhuming trends in ethnic conflict and cooperation in Africa: some selected states. African Journal on Conflict Resolution, 8,(3), 9-26. Nani-Kofi, E. (2012). Crisis in Cote dIvoire: history, interests and parallels. In F. Manji & S. Ekine (Eds.), African awakening: the emerging revolutions (pp. 34-45). Cape Town: Pambazuka Press. Tangeras, T. P., & Lagerlof, N.-P. (2009). Ethinic diversity, civil war and redistribution. Scandinavian Journal of Economics, 111,(1), 1-27. The Economist (Cartographer). (2011). Coming to a crunch. Read More