Creation, Maintenance, and Decay of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya - Essay Example

Section/# Gaddafi’s Libya: An Exploration into the Creation, Maintenance, and Decay of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya When the Libyan revolution led by Colonel Gaddafi overthrew King Idris in 1969, a new form of government was initiated which did not behave in the way that a parliamentary democracy, a monarchy, or the average military junta would have traditionally governed. What resulted was a blend of socialism mixed with the dictatorial oversight by the supreme leader; Colonel Gaddafi. As a function of analyzing the way in which Gaddafi’s Green Libya, or al Jamahiriya as it was called, came into being, maintained its power, and eventually decayed, this brief analysis will consider the core components that defined the way in which the system evolved and held on to power only to eventually decline as all systems are bound to do in one form or another. As a further function of such an analysis, it is the hope of this author that the reader will be able to gain some very clear insights as to the reasons why and ultimately how this power evolved and eventually declined as a means of providing key insights into the nature, growth, and decay that all forms of governance will ultimately experience over the course of time. Creation: With respect to the creation of Gaddafi’s modern Libya, this was fundamentally centered upon the fact that a highly tribalized Libya was not effectively governed by the monarchy that loosely held sway over the various and far flung groups that defined the Libyan state. Longing for a sense of purpose and sensing the fundamental shifts that decolonization had effected on neighboring regions within the Arab world, there was a strong sense of unease and dissatisfaction that pervaded the society of the time; making it ripe for systemic change. Sensing the weakness, Gaddafi and others were able to organize a coup with a core cabal of willing individuals that had formed key and strategic alliances with many of the tribes that constituted Libya (Hauslohner 39). A further human need that was seemingly sought to be recognized within the context of the revolution was the ability of the individual citizen to have a say with regards to the way in which government undertook the process of governance. This right to self-determination has long been a central and key role in undermining existing systems of government; however, as was seen in the case of Libya, the extent to which this self-determination was ultimately realized was quite limited. As a means of creating the power that could seek to congeal this non-uniform and highly tribalized representation of a nation into a single unit, a unique coalescence of Islamic nationalism and socialism were engaged. This was unique due to the fact that such a style of governance had never before been seen and was the result of the writings and beliefs of the revolution’s author and director Colonel Gaddafi. Maintenance: Similarly, with regards to the maintenance of such a system of governance, Gaddafi and the Socialist Peoples Libyan Arab Jamahiriya dictated that the Libyan Jamahiriya would be a direct democracy without the need for political parties. This was justified by the close focus upon governing councils that were to be appointed within the regions of the vast nation with the express purpose of hearing and administering to the needs and grievances of the populations which they served. This level of democracy was of course unique in that it did not allow the individuals who were appointed to work on the councils to be elected. Rather, it allowed for a strict and stratified exhibition of power directly from Gaddafi all the way down to the very lowest levels of society within Libya (Vandewalle 22). As a function f this strong level of stratification, it does not come as any large surprise that the Libyan Revolution that took place under Gaddafi’s leadership was such a resounding success and maintained its power for such a long period of time. Moreover, due to the fact that even this level of democracy was something that the Libyan people were not familiar with, it also comes as little surprise that the expansive “rights” of self-determination that it necessarily portended was enough to capture the imagination of these shareholders for quite a long period of time before the invariably became disillusioned with the representation of and means by which the government sought to ameliorate the needs of the populace. Moreover, the councils relied heavily upon the military as well as the tribal bonds and alliances that they represented in order to keep a very firm grip on the lowest levels of power within Libya and be able to provide a type of barometer of feeling back to Gaddafi and the Libyan leadership with regards to any potential unrest that may be developing. DECAY: Interestingly, it is the belief of this author that the decay of the system was fundamentally the result of two forces. The first of these was the tribalization of Libyan society that although plastered over by the Gaddafi’s Jamahiriya, could never fully be overcome. As a function of this, key disparities in the way in which certain groups felt left out of the procedure of governance were amplified over time and eventually resulted in the Libyan Civil War. Secondly, from a thorough review of the determinants that eventually gave way to the outbreak of conflict in Benghazi, it can be convincingly determined that foreign intervention was key in fomenting dissatisfaction among the youths that at first rose up in opposition to the Gaddafi regime. As such, the uprising, though natural and national in origin, cannot be said to have sprung from the ranks of a truly dissatisfied group of representative individuals that took or sought to take an active part in the Libyan political process (Ghosh 36). Although such an identification of the early participants of the Libyan Revolution may not sit well within many in the West who actively supported such an occurrence, the revolution itself, as revolutions are prone to do, quickly began to congeal in opposition to the way in which Gaddafi’s Jamahiriya allowed little to no direct representation or the existence of political parties or general political dissent. As a function of this, such a level of dissatisfaction provided the necessary rallying cry and impetus for the continued revolutionary actions that culminated in Gaddafi’s ouster and murder at the hands of mob. Lest this report be viewed as too sympathetic to the old regime, it should be noted that as a function of the broken kleptocracy that the Jamahiriya represented, certain key human needs developed that were represented within the protests and eventual civil war that unfolded. Among these were included the lack of infrastructure repair in eastern sections of the nation, the lack of reforms to streamline and remove layers of corruption within government, and the impenetrable and non-democratic nature of the people’s councils. Conclusion: As a function of this level of analysis, it is readily available for the reader to see and understand the means by which the system itself was born, manifested itself, and eventually disintegrated. However, although the preceding analysis has helped to integrate an understanding with regards to some of the key shortcomings with regards to the previous system of governance that Gaddafi’s Libya portended, it should not be easily forgotten that the ultimate reason why the Jamahiriya collapsed was the dual result of an unsatisfied tribalized and increasingly disenfranchised populace alongside definitive foreign intervention meant to foment rebellion and ultimately overthrow Gaddafi. As a function of such a level of understanding, the reader can realize that the situation with regards to the ultimate failure of Gaddafi’s Jamahiriya was a combined result of systemic weakness and foreign pressure. Works Cited Ghosh, Bobby, Jay Newton-Small, and Michael Scherer. "The Gaddafi Regime Is Broken. What Will Take Its Place? (Cover Story)." Time 178.9 (2011): 34-37. Academic Search Complete. Web. 18 Mar. 2013. Hauslohner, Abigail. "Hope Among The Ruins." Time 179.22 (2012): 38-42. Academic Search Complete. Web. 18 Mar. 2013. Vandewalle, Dirk. "After Gaddafi." Newsweek 157.10 (2011): 20-27. Academic Search Complete. Web. 18 Mar. 2013. Read More