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September 11, 2001 Attacks - Research Paper Example

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This research proposal "September 11, 2001 Attacks" focuses on a day that is known as one of the “most shocking” days in US history. With initial bewilderment, we witnessed the first commercial airplane crash into the first tower of the World Trade Center…
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September 11, 2001 Attacks
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?September 11, 2001 Attacks September 11, 2001 Attacks Introduction For years to come, many will remember where they were and what they were doing on September 11, 2001 a day that is known as one of the “most shocking” days in US history (Traugott et al 2002, p. 511). For many of us, with the help of information technology, the events were witnessed in real time. With initial bewilderment we witnessed the first commercial airplane crash into the first tower of the World Trade Center. When the second commercial airplane crashed into the second tower of the World Trade Center, bewilderment turned to fear. Only after the towers collapsed and news of a similar attack on the Pentagon and an attempt on the White House did the magnitude of the events of September 11, 2001 begin to come into focus. A survey of the damages that would follow would inform of the severity of the September 11 2001 attacks. Those damages would reach beyond the immediate vicinity of the attacks and change our lives in many ways. This research studies analyzes the actual and general damages and consequences of the September 11, 2001 attacks. Actual Damages Al Qaeda’s terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center on September 2001 claimed the lives of almost 3000 persons and caused the area’s economy up to US$83 billion directly and indirectly in losses (Okuyama & Chang, 2011). The damages to New York City were particularly far-reaching since New York City represents the financial center of the US. In addition to property destruction, South Manhattan, is home to New York City’s government and international commerce. As a result of the attacks, the government and commercial activities were at a complete halt for weeks to come. Office buildings nearby were empty and New York’s subway system came to a complete halt. Thousands of New York residents living beyond Canal Street could not return home. New York’s schools and bridges were closed down (Tucker, 2004). For the entire country and for most of the world, the airline industry suffered the greatest losses. Airports were shut down on September 11 with passengers stranded near and far, putting airlines to the expense of housing passengers. Formal claims by the loved-ones of victims who died in the three crashes resulted in unprecedented insurance and litigation expenses for the airline industry. Airport security also cost the airline industry millions in implementation and administration expenses (Tucker, 2004). With buildings destroyed, transportation interruption and business closures, New York City “experienced massive job losses” (Tucker, 2004, p. 401). The damages to the Pentagon were less extensive but shocking all the same because the attack on the Pentagon symbolized an attack on the US as a whole. On the morning of September 11, 2001, a commercial airline deliberately crashed into the ground floor of the Pentagon claiming the lives of 65 passengers and 125 Pentagon occupants (Bangash, 2006). The ensuing fire caused serious but reparable damages to the building. Engineers have claimed that the strong reinforced columns of the Pentagon mitigated the actual damages (Bangash, 2006). The direct costs of searching for Osama bin Laden and infiltrating terror cells are immeasurable and are costs that will burden the US for years to come (Tucker, 2004). Thus the economic damages directly and indirectly resulting from the September 11, 2001 attacks are difficult to quantify. Thus one of the long lasting consequences of the September 11, 2001 attacks is the realization that economic loss resulting from traumatic events are not only difficult to quantify but difficult to minimize (Jonkman et al, 2003). General Damages For the purpose of this research study, general damages refer to damages that are not specific and generally not quantifiable in terms of dollars and cents. These kinds of damages are better understood as collateral or consequential damages. It has been established that many persons who survived the attacks and witnessed the attacks were subjected to various mental health issues ranging from survivor’s guilt to post traumatic stress syndrome. However, the mental health issues went beyond those who were either related to victims and those who managed to escaped the site of the attacks alive. According to Cardenas et al (2003): The suddenness and unprecedented scale of the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001, exposed the American public to levels of fear, vulnerability, and mass destruction most had never experienced (p. 15). Although, the American Psychiatry criteria for Posttraumatic Stress Disorder requires physical presence in the “zone of danger”, researchers are finding increasing evidence that many persons who merely witnessed or experienced the attacks as television viewers have exhibited symptoms “associated with” Posttraumatic Stress Disorder, major depressive disorder and anxiety (Cardenas et al, 2003, p. 16). Cardenas et al (2003) conducted a study to determine the extent of mental or psychological damages experienced by individuals who were indirectly exposed to the September 11, 2001 attacks. The study “investigated the prevalence of Posttraumatic Stress Disorder, Major Depressive Disorder and substance abuse” among a Midwestern university student population in the aftermath of September 11, 2001 (Cardenas et al, 2003, p. 15). The sample student population was comprised of 305 students who were required to complete a questionnaire measuring nine spheres of “psychosocial functioning which included demographics, personality” Posttraumatic Stress Disorder, Major Depressive Disorder, previous trauma, substance use history, mental health history and treatment and existing perspectives relative to the government, religion, the economy and children’s reaction to the attacks (Cardenas et al, 2003, p. 16). The respondents resided in an area where the United Airlines Flight Number 93 flew just before it crashed in Pennsylvania. The respondents were forcibly evacuated from the university and city. The results of the questionnaire were compared to national surveys that had been previously conducted. Research results found that there was: …a prevalence rate of 5.9% for probable PTSD, matching identically previous national surveys. There were higher levels of PTSD and MDD for females, those with less education and who were single or unmarried, and those who had a prior history of mental health problems or psychological trauma. PTSD and MDD were associated with higher levels of alcohol and drug use since September 11 (Cardenas et al, 2003, p. 16). Baschnagel et al (2005) conducted a similar study on 538 Western New York college students who were indirectly exposed to the September 11, 2001 attacks in New York City. The students were assessed within one month following the September 11, 2001 attacks and again within three months. The initial assessment revealed that is was possible to detect and test for symptoms of PTSD in persons were not directly involved in the zone of danger. The second assessment confirmed the test remained valid three months later indicating that symptoms relative to PTSD persisted three months after indirect exposure to trauma (Baschnagel et al, 2005). Schuster et al (2001) tested the hypothesis that people who are not a part of the zone of danger can suffer stress as a result of the event. The hypothesis was tested by reference to the immediate reactions to the September 11, 2001 attacks. The test was conducted by virtue of “random-digit dialing” between three and five days immediately following the September 11, 2001 attacks (Schuster et al, 2001, p. 1507). 560 adults in the US were interviewed by this process about their own responses to the September 11, 2001 attacks and how they perceived their children’s responses. As a result of Schuster et al’s (2001) survey, at least 44% of the respondents indicated suffering at least one significant stress symptom. 90% of the respondents had at least one symptom to some extent. These symptoms were reported from respondents in wide radius indicating that proximity to the trauma did not mitigate against stress related symptoms. 98% of the respondents coped with their reactions by communicating their feelings with others. 90% of the respondents used religion as a coping mechanism, 60% participated in “group activities” and 36% made donations (Schuster et al, 2001, p. 1507). At least 85% of the respondents with children indicated that they spoke to their children about the terrorist attacks for at least one hour. Another 34% reported limited their children’s access to the television. It was also revealed that at least 34% of the children exhibited at least one symptom of stress and another 47% were fearful of their safety and the safety of those close to them (Schuster et al, 2001). Another test conducted by Wayment (2004) is also instructive in that it also informs of the indirect damages accruing as a result of the September 11, 2001 attacks. Wayment (2004) conducted a study of college students “who had experiences no personal bereavement in the September 11 terrorist attacks” (p. 515). The study was conducted by virtue of questionnaires which were completed within 3 and 5 weeks of the attacks and then again in 5 months. The questionnaires were evaluated by using a “cross-sectional and longitudinal structural equation model analysis” (Wayment, 2004, p. 515). The results of the analysis indicated “general distress and disaster-focused distress are discernable reactions following a collective loss” (Wayment, 2004, p. 515). Women exhibited greater degrees of stress. Results also indicated that in general distress was linked with a history of stressful experiences and mental pathology. In addition, perceptions of similarities to victims was aligned to distress that focused on the disaster and: …mediated the relationship between attending to media accounts of victims and disaster focused distress. Only the disaster-focused distress reactions of survivor guilt and grief were associated with collective helping behaviors after the attacks and, for women, these behaviors were associated with greater reductions in these stress reactions over time (Wayment, 2004, p. 515). As Suvak et al (2008) informed, there are many individuals that were impacted by the attacks of September 11, 2001. These individuals experienced consequences for their daily functions and their general well-being and yet they were not a part of the danger zone (Suvak et al, 2008). The fact is there is sufficient evidence that the collateral damages sustained as a result of the September 11, 2001 attacks were far reaching. Americans were able to identify with the victims and not only felt their losses, but feared that they too could lose loved ones or themselves be subjected to the same fate. Anxieties were thus associated with uncertainty and fear of another attack. Therefore lives and perceptions were changed immediately following the September 11 attacks and into the unforeseeable future for many. Another casualty of the September 11, 2001 attacks was the inadvertent victims of law enforcement and angry and vengeful citizens. Then President George Bush’s September 11 Speech in which he declared to the world that they were either “with us” or “against us” might have contributed to the anger and revenge (Text of George Bush’s Speech, 2001). Mark Anthony Stroman was executed in July 2011 by Texas’ Department of Justice, as a result of his part in a number of revenge killings in the aftermath of the September 11, 2001 Attacks (Mears, 2011). Other indirect consequential damages emanated from national security initiatives pursuant to the Bush administration’s declaration of war against terror. The result was a compromise between security and human rights. With tighter border controls, heightened security which increased the investigative powers of law enforcement, immigration and customs officers, the potential for abuse of human rights was realized in several respects. One example was reported by Ashar (2001-2002). Ashar (2001-2002) reports on an incident of racial profiling in which an innocent and legal alien from Pakistan was arrested and detained for no other reason than his ethnic appearance. The collateral damages are difficult to quantify. However, one case of human rights abuse is enough to indicate the undesirable and far reaching consequences of the September 11, 2001 attacks. All indications are that the damages penetrated all factions of the American psyche. People everywhere were negatively impacted in one way or another. Conclusion The September 11, 2001 attacks were thus similar to a nuclear explosion, with an initial explosion and a fall out with an extensive radius. Those in the zone of danger were either killed, physically, economically or psychologically damaged. The fall out took effect in its impact on those who were not directly involved. They were damaged in one way or another, some more profoundly than others. Thus the full extent of the damages of September 11, 2001 will likely never be known. What is actually known is shocking nonetheless. Human rights and basic liberties are no longer taken for granted. Neither is homeland security, an important prerequisite for the protection of fundamental freedoms. References Ashar, S. M. (2001-2002). “Immigration Enforcement and Subordination: The Consequences of Racial Profiling After September 11.” Conn. L. Rev. Vol. 34: 1185-1200. Bangash, M. Y. H. (2006). Explosion-Resistant Buildings: Design, Analysis, and Case Studies. New York, NY: Springer. Baschnagel, J. S.; O’Connor, R. M.; Colder, C.R. & Hawk, L.W. Jr. (Dec. 2005). “Factor Structure of Posttraumatic Stress Among Western New York Undergraduates Following the September 11th Terrorist Attack on the World Trade Center.” Journal of Trauma Stress, Vol. 18(6): 677-684. Cardenas, J.; Williams, K.; Wilson, J. P.; Fanouraki, G. and Singh, A. (2003). “PSTD, Major Depressive Symptoms, and Substance Abuse Following September 11, 2001, in a Midwestern University Population.” IJEMH, Vol. 5(1): 15-26. Jonkman, S. N.; van Gelder, P.H.A.J.M. & Vrijling, J.K. (April 2003). “An Overview of Quantitative Risk Measures for Loss of Life and Economic Damage.” Journal of Hazardous Materials, Vol. 39(1): 1-30. Mears, B. (July 20, 2011). “Texas Man Executed For Post-9/11 Murder.” CNN Justice. http://articles.cnn.com/2011-07-20/justice/texas.execution_1_texas-man-terror-attacks-innocent-man?_s=PM:CRIME (Retrieved October 16, 2011). Okuyama, Y. & Chang, S. E. (2011). Modeling Spatial and Economic Impacts of Disasters. New York, NY: Springer. Schuster, M.A. et al (November 15, 2001). “A National Survey of Stress Reactions After the September 11, 2001, Terrorist Attacks.” N. Engl. J. Med. Vol. 345: 1507-1512. Suvak, M.; Maguen, S.; Litz, B.; Silver, R. & Holman, E. A. (Feb. 2008). “Indirect Exposure to the September 11 Terrorist Attacks: Does Symptoms Structure Resemble PTSD?” Journal of Traumatic Stress, Vol. 21(1): 30-39. Text of Bush's address. (2001, September 11). CNN. Retrieved October 2, 2011, from http://articles.cnn.com/2001-09-11/us/bush.speech.text_1_attacks-deadly-terrorist-acts-despicable-acts?_s=PM:US (Retrieved 16 October, 2011). Traugott, M. et al (2002). “How Americans Responded: A Study of Public Reactions to 9/11/01”. Political Science and Politics, Vol. 35: 511-516. Tucker, S. (2004). The Encyclopedia of Middle East Wars. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, LLC. Wayment, H. A. (April 2004). “It Could Have Been Me: Vicarious Victims and Disaster-Focused Distress.” Pers. Soc. Psychol. Bulletin. Vol. 30(4): 515-528. Read More
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