Afro-Latin-Anerican Political Leaders - Research Paper Example

? AFRO-LATIN AMERICAN POLITICAL LEADERS Introduction Political modernity entails the aspirations to a better future as well as ideals for political and legal equality. To this end, Afro Latin American leaders are well remembered for their fight for racial equality, lack of government attention to their problem, predominant poverty and hardship. Their agitation for racial equality espoused one of the contemporary fundamentals of the independence wars in the Atlantic world and Spanish America. However, matters pertaining to race have been historically placed as secondary despite of famous declarations of Mexican, Colombian, and Venezuelan patriots concerning humanity’s equality regardless of origin or color1. Evidently, the Latin American slavery is believed to have lasted longer and exhibited much more intensity than the United States. To this end, the early 15th century was synonymous with the enslavement of the Blacks by the Spaniards and Portuguese. This occurred even before the Columbus expeditions. The 1880’s marked the end of slavery in Latin American following abolishment by Brazil and Cuba2. There exists much less attention accorded to Afro-Latin American after the end of the colonial era. This has largely been due to the failure of recognition or identity crisis. Furthermore, more attention has normally been focused on Afro-American leaders in the fight of equality as compared to their Afro-Latin American counterparts. It is of interest to note that there have been national political leaders of African descent in a majority of Latin American countries. This has been evident in the early part of the twentieth century as well as late nineteenth century. Moreover, such Afro-Latin American leadership has been evident despite of the existence of strong racial discrimination. However, a number of Latin American countries have been preoccupied with historical motives of curbing the political power among the huge segment of poor and working class people. Evidently, literacy requirements for voting were maintained by a majority of the Latin American governments after independence3. Consequently, a majority of the population that was screened subject to this requirement were mainly of African descent. Afro Latin American Participation in Political Leadership Over a period of 30 year, Afro-Latin Americans have attained considerable gains in political organization, social movement activism, and mobilization. To this end, Afro-Latin American political leader and civil rights groups have been at the forefront in agitating against discrimination, racial prejudice and other forms of inequality. This was a stark contrast to the early 1970’s in which there was very minimal political activity by black groups4. Evidently, many Afro-Latin Americans were being oppressed in authoritative regimes from 1960’s to 1980’s. Presently, the existence of political-social movements that brought together Afro-Latin Americans have been in existence in every sub region of America such as Southern Cone, Central America, Caribbean, Andean and every other Latin American country. These movements have garnered political success in agitating for better economic and educational opportunities, racial equality and denouncing racism. The Afro-Latin political leadership within the black movements has taken a step further in addressing their concerns through churches, community, associations, labor unions, political parties, civic organizations and other social movements5. Furthermore, they have been successful in lobbying governments for public policy, resources and specific legislation at the local, state, national and international levels. To this end, Afro-descendants have gained more visibility, respect and acknowledgement in Latin America. However, the Afro-Latin American political groups are not properly structured or organized. To this end, some of them exhibit disconnect and insufficient synergy among members and leaders; the wider black communities and the organizations. Consequently, there have variances in positive impacts among the black political movement that is evident across the Latin countries6. As far as hostility to independent black political activism is concerned in Latin American countries is concerned, the Cuban government offers a perfect example. Right from independence up to the Cuban revolution, there was a creation of cultural, political and social organizations by Afro-Cubans. Evidently, most Afro-Latin Americans supported the revolutionary movement. On the other hand, a section of black leaders were more concerned with efforts and wider dialogue to eradicate white racism. The leaders were of the opinion that there should be independent political organization among blacks. Furthermore, such organizations would aid in the protection and defense of the Afro-Latinas’ collective interests. It would also assist in the activism against anti-racist sentiments by the governments and agitate for pro-equality measures. Among the prominent Afro-Latin American leaders who were strong advocates of the black agenda was Carlos Moore. To this end, he released a scholarly and public critique of Cuba’s revolution. In his critique, he accused Fidel Castro’s regime of reluctance to allow for power sharing among all races. According to him, Fidel Castro’s regime was insincere and an irony considering its revolutionary policies and rhetoric that was aligned towards a just and equal society7. For example, the Cuban government is on record as censoring the political parties’ organization based on color and race. They equally frustrated the military interventions by Afro Cuban leaders such as Evaristo Estenoz and Pedro Ivonet to reverse that political stance. It was quashed in a tragic manner in 1912 whereby government soldiers killed at least 300 Afro- Cubans in the province of Oriente. This consequently quelled the political resistance by Blacks in Cuba. Presently, the Afro-Latin American political class is among the lobby groups that have placed heightened pressure against the Cuban government to open up and democratize it one party system. This measure would be conducive for organizations and independent voices to criticize the government constructively and propose alternative policies or choices. Over the past years, there has been an attack on the negative stereotypical explanations on the poor status of black men and women8. Evidently, even the Cuban government is aware of this contemporary form of racism and consequently increased media coverage over Afro-Latin concerns and events. However, irrespective of the recognition and publicity accorded to the pervasive problem of racial discrimination, there are still exists resistance by the communist government to engage in dialogue by the Afro-Latin American leadership. The resistance has been evident through the denial by Cuban government to participate in dialogue with the Afro-Latinas in issues that address their monopoly on political power. However, smokescreen efforts by the Cuban government towards addressing the racial equality issue have been through the development of close ties with African states such as Ethiopia, Angola among others9. In countries such as Brazil, there is increasing research pertaining to the struggle for social and racial equity among Afro-Brazilians. To this end, the Afro-Latina American leaders in Brazil have been working hard to convince the society and political class on the urgency of eradicating racial inequality. Furthermore, they have been lobbying for the affirmation of legitimacy concerning Afro-Brazilian needs for economic, political and social inclusion. To this end, the Brazilian Black Front (Frente Negra Brazileira) within Sao Paulo acted as a national political machine for Afro-Brazilians when it was created in 193110. However, it was brought to an end during Vargas dictatorship between 1930s and 1940s. In the Latin American Caribbean countries, Blacks have been part of the government in countries such as Barbados, Trinidad and Tobago, Grenada, Antilles, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, Grenada, Grenadines, Antigua and Dominica. The Caribbean countries have equally developed close political relations directly with other African states as well as through other international organizations and the United Nations agencies. The African-Caribbean relations are based on mutual ideology rather than color or race. Moreover, Black leaders drawn from South America, Central America, and the Caribbean have started to gather together more frequently. These meeting are based on efforts to institutionalize collaboration and communication. To this end, Afro-Latin American leader such as Romero Rodriguez is the president of a leading black group known as Mundo Afro11. The organization is based in Uruguay and plays a vital function of mobilizing blacks across Latin America. For this purpose, the president, Romero Rodriguez, has been traversing all over Central America, South America, United States and the Caribbean for the past 20 years. His main the agenda has been the attending of seminars and conferences aimed at fostering of networks between black groups, as well as lobbying for international cooperation and organization among Afro-Latin Americans. Rodriguez also acts as the leader for the Strategic Alliance of Afro descendants from the Caribbean and Latin America. Evidently, the Latin American meetings between 200 and 2001 energized the efforts during the preparation towards the World Conference against xenophobia, racial discrimination, racism, and related forms of intolerance. It was hosted in Durban South Africa in 2001. During the conference, Afro-Latin American leaders came to realize the priority of working together through the sharing of resources, experiences and information to add stability to their efforts nationally and internationally across their borders. Moreover, such efforts were deemed as supplementary to the lobbying of the individual governments towards effective participation in the anti racial political agenda12. Evidently, all over the Latin-American countries there is a renaissance of Black populations following years of invisibility and marginalization. Two good examples in Sao Paolo Brazil are indicative of the progression of Afro-Latin American communities as far as political leadership is concerned. These are the appointment of legendary soccer star, Pele, as the minister of Sports and the first black mayor elected in Sao, Paolo Brazil13. Another example is the president of the Central American Black Organization, Celeo Alvarez in Honduras. The organization advocates for the wider funding for health care, education, economic development and pertinent issues that affect black populations across Central America. Furthermore, the organization has representatives across Central America whose successes include the lobbying of international organizations towards supporting their policy agenda. Examples include Organization of American States, Inter-American Development Bank and the World Bank. Electoral Politics of Afro-Latin American Females As far as electoral politics is concerned, very few blacks have been appointed to high level government positions or nationally elected to political office. To this end, as far as Latina America is concerned, the rise of black women in political affairs represents an important development. The Afro-Latinas are making their visibility and voices heard across the region despite of the pervasive under-representation evident in black leaders and politicians. To this end, Afro-Latina American female leaders such as Benedita da Silva are among the few female political leaders. She is a representative in the Chamber of Deputies of the Brazilian Congress within the state of Rio de Janeiro. To this end, Benedita da Silva is the most prominent black female politician in Brazilian history. Her fame has been propelled by her agitation for reforms in gender, race and class. Across the Latin nation of Colombia, Piedad Cordoba Ruiz is a high profile Afro-Latin American senator. She is widely known for her fight for social justice, peace, and an end to violence. Evidently, her efforts led to her kidnapping and other personal traumas14. The Costa Rican parliament had the female Afro-Latin American, Epsy Campbell as a former Member of Parliament and leader of the Citizens Action Party. She is credited with her involvement in various progressive struggles across the Costa Rican country. Campbell is also the leader of the Network of Afro-Latin American and Afro Caribbean women which has seen her travel all over the South American region. During her travel tours, she speaks out against sexism and racism15. Another example of a leading female, Afro Ecuadorian political leader is Alexandra Ocles. She is a prominent activist and a former member of the Ecuadorian national assembly between 2007 and 2009.Alexandra also recently served as a cabinet minister under President Rafael Correa between 2010 and 2011. Evidently, she served as minister under the docket of the Secretariat of People, Social Movements and Citizen Participation. Participation in Ethno-Racial Government Legislation, Initiatives and Public Policy Throughout the historic and present fights against racial inequality and racism, the Afro-Latin Americans have consistently lobbied for respect and protection of their human rights from the respective central governments. However, the central governments have rarely shown the full commitments towards protecting their rights as citizens and human beings16. In addition, the parameters for setting up legal provisions against racial discrimination have often been ignored. Unfortunately, the efforts towards setting up a collective framework for equal rights among multicultural citizenry groups have achieved little success for the Afro-Latin Americans compared to the indigenous citizens. An explanation to such failure points to the fact that indigenous people are conceptualized as representatives of a distinct cultural group among the ruling, national elites. Moreover, the attributes that contribute to their distinctiveness include historical ownership over rural land, preservation of traditional authority and customs, as well as dominant indigenous language. On the other hand, the Afro-Latin American citizens were stereotyped along ethnic and racial parameters. Consequently, in order for the Blacks to attain better chances of getting their collective rights, they had to exhibit some level of resemblance to the indigenous population. To this end, the only countries in the American region where the Blacks have attained equal collective rights like the indigenous community include Nicaragua, Guatemala and Honduras. Evidently, they have attained equal collective rights as the indigenous Indian populace. In other South American countries, the Afro-Latin Americans have achieved limited collective rights in comparison to the indigenous groups. Examples of such countries include Ecuador, Colombia and Brazil. In general, among other South American countries, Brazil has exhibited more success in convincing the government to open up the political space for the Afro-Latin American society. This has been evident through the opening up of national, state and local government levels towards the recognition and adoption of initiatives, legislation and implementation of public policies that are favorable to the Black community. The 25 year achievement arising from important trials in government, politics and race, are attributed to the years of Afro-Latin American activism and demands. To this end, there has been a high number of racial centered initiatives that have been implemented over the past decade. Moreover, there have been critical public policies addressing racial issues that have been approved by governmental units. It is important to note that political Afro-Latin Americans have been the driving force towards the successful implementation of the pertinent policies17. Foremost, the Afro-Latin American leaders were successful in implementing a race-centered policy that focused on affirmative action in government employment and higher education. Evidently, as from 2001, admission policies that are inclusive of racial quotas have been created in at least 80 colleges, public universities and technical institutes. The admission policies were created in order to spur and encourage the admission of Afro-Latin American students. However, this policy has elicited controversial debate among academic elites and political leaders. Evidently, the higher learning institutions in Brazil are the well funded and held in high prestige. The learning institutions have also received higher subsidies for tuition that is mostly allocated to the predominant white students drawn from middle and upper class families. Furthermore, the alumni’s’ from the higher learning institutions normally advance to the most powerful and prestigious government positions. To this end, a number of activists and scholars argue that the affirmative action policy with a special focus on race is the best measure towards addressing the unequal distribution of resources, privilege and power in the Brazilian society. On the other hand, some opponents of the affirmative action policy argue that the clause on racial quotas is another manifestation of racial favoritism for the Afro-Latin Americans. Evidently, the racial quotas outline specific percentages or numbers of Afro-Latin Americans that should be enrolled in institutions of higher learning. To this end, some opponents of the policy argue that only a benchmark of qualification should be used in determining enrollment irrespective of racial background. Furthermore, they state that such policy is another manifest of racial inequality against other races that are not Afro-Latin American. Second, the Afro-Latin American leaders were successful in creating government agencies or black councils whose mandate entailed paying special attention on the need and concerns of the Afro-Latin American communities and citizens. This achievement was made possible through the intensive lobbying of governors, mayors and other elected official across cities and states in Brazil. To this end, in the period between the 1980s to 1990s, the state and municipal governments of Rio de Janeiro, Sao Paulo among other states created special institutions. These institutions were mandated to address racial inequality, racial discrimination as well as other pertinent issues facing Afro-Latin Americans in Brazil. One of the positive outcomes of such initiatives included profile promotion of Afro-Latin American government appointees as well as the concerns they raised. However, the institution was grappled with the challenge of insufficient funds and staff compared to the general budgetary allocation to other institutions. The enormity and diverse issues facing the Afro-Brazilians was also another challenge. Despite of these challenges, the most important and beneficial benefit was that the Afro-Latin Americans’ leaders gained governmental, public, and political experience in learning how government resourced could b devolved and allocated towards improving the lives of the Afro-Latin American citizens. Conclusion There is no doubt that significant progress has been achieved as far participation of Afro-Latin Americans in political, national representation, cultural production, and international representation. Evidently, there have been transnational meetings, conferences and gathering aimed at internationalizing the Afro-descendant fight against poverty, inequalities, racism, practices and ideologies. To this end, Blacks across the Latin nation are increasingly becoming visible and their presence is being felt. However, the Afro-Latin American political classes still have the daunting task of convincing non-Blacks against the ills of non formal and formal discrimination. In addition, the leaders still have the task of building strong social, financial, cultural, and political institutions and organizations that protect the Black interests. References Lockard, Craig A.. Societies, Networks, and Transitions: A Global History: Since 1750, Volume 3. n.a: Cengage Learning, 2010. Ameringer, Charles D.. Political parties of the Americas, 1980s to 1990s: Canada, Latin America, and the West Indies. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1992. Appelbaum, Nancy P., Anne S. Macpherson, and Karin Alejandra Rosemblatt. Race and nation in modern Latin America. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003. Ascher, William. Economic development strategies and the evolution of violence in Latin America. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012. Balderston, Daniel. Encyclopedia of contemporary Latin American and Caribbean cultures. London: Routledge, 2000. Bethell, Leslie. The Cambridge history of Latin America. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008. "Blacks in Latin America, a brief history | African American Registry." Uniting Classrooms Through Education | African American Registry. http://www.aaregistry.org/historic_events/view/blacks-latin-america-brief-history (accessed April 18, 2013). Boyd, Antonio. The Latin American identity and the African diaspora ethnogenesis in context. Amherst, NY: Cambria Press, 2010. Chasteen, John Charles, and Joseph S. Tulchin. Problems in modern Latin American history: a reader. Wilmington, Del.: SR Books, 1994. Cottrol , Robert J. . "Coming Into their Own? The Afro-Latin Struggle for Equality and Recognition." Inter-American Foundation (IAF) . http://162.140.57.76/(S(2bxz4u4jmwqepxlgf1hcle1u))/Journals.aspx?PId=3A9hM82kt5U=&TocId=TQUHz43K390=&JY=xfw085Yuxag=&L=qj6tuQMCkcw=&RMId=DMvdrNwPdsCfpOq3vR5kdQ==&AspxAutoDetectCookieSupport=1 (accessed April 18, 2013). Cottrol, Robert J.. The long, lingering shadow: slavery, race, and law in the American hemisphere. Athens, Ga.: The University of Georgia Press, 2013. Davis, Darie?n J.. Beyond slavery: the multilayered legacy of Africans in Latin America and the Caribbean. Lanham, Md.: Rowman & Littlefield, 2007. Eakin, Marshall C., and Paulo Roberto de. Almeida. Envisioning Brazil: a guide to Brazilian studies in the United States, 1945-2003. Madison, Wis.: University of Wisconsin Press, 2005. Fischer, Edward F.. Indigenous peoples, civil society, and the neo-liberal state in Latin America. New York: Berghahn Books, 2009. Gates, Henry Louis. Black in Latin America. New York: New York University Press, 2011. Gordon, Lewis R., and Jane Anna Gordon.A companion to African-American studies. Malden, MA: Blackwell Pub., 2006. Helg, Aline. Our rightful share: the Afro-Cuban struggle for equality, 1886-1912. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995. Holloway, Thomas H.. A companion to Latin American history. Malden, MA: Blackwell Pub., 2008. Joseph, G. M.. Reclaiming the political in Latin American history: essays from the North. Durham: Duke University Press, 2001. Juang, Richard M., Noelle Anne Morrissette, and Melissa Fullmer. Africa and the Americas culture, politics, and history : a multidisciplinary encyclopedia. Santa Barbara, Calif.: ABC-CLIO, 2008. Keen, Benjamin, and Keith Haynes. A history of Latin America. 6th ed. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 2000. Kingstone, Peter R.. Routledge handbook of Latin American politics. New York: Routledge, 2012. Kraay, Hendrik. Negotiating identities in modern Latin America. Calgary, Alta.: University of Calgary Press, 2007. Lockard, Craig A. . Lockard's Societies, Networks, and Transitions Since 1450: A Global History. n.a: Cengage Learning, 2007. Marshall, Bill, and Cristina Johnston.France and the Americas culture, politics, and history : a multidisciplinary encyclopedia. Santa Barbara, Calif.: ABC-CLIO, 2005. Meade, Teresa A.. A history of modern Latin America: 1800 to the present. Chichester, West Sussex, U.K.: Wiley-Blackwell, 2010. Norman, Krystle . "Identity and Public Policy: Redefining the Concept of Racial Democracy in Brazil." harvard.edu. isites.harvard.edu/icb/icb.do?keyword=k74757&pageid=icb.page414107 (accessed April 18, 2013). Pamphile, Le?on De?nius. Haitians and African Americans: a heritage of tragedy and hope. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2001. Rich, Wilbur C.. African American perspectives on political science. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2007. Rivarola, Andre?s. Resilience of regionalism in Latin America and the Caribbean development and autonomy. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013. Shohat, Ella, and Robert Stam.Multiculturalism, postcoloniality, and transnational media. New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 2003. The Crisis. "Development of Ecuador."The Crisis, Nov. - Dec. 2002. Wader, Peter. "Afro-Latin Studies Reflections on the field." Latin American and Caribbean Ethnic Studies 1, no. 1 (2006): 105-124. Whitten, Norman E., and Arlene Torres.Blackness in Latin America and the Caribbean: social dynamics and cultural transformations.. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1998. Winn, Peter. Americas: the changing face of Latin American and the Caribbean. Berkeley: University of California, 1992. da Silva, Benedita , Medea Benjamin, and Maisa Mendonca. Benedita da Silva : vida politica y amores de una mujer afrobrasilena / M. Benjamin, M. Mendonca ; tr. por Bertha Ruiz de la Concha. Rio de Janeiro: Mexico : Siglo XXI, 1998. Read More