Fast Food Is A Tribute To Fashion at the Expense of Health - Research Paper Example

Running Head: Nutrition and Culture Nutrition and Culture Introduction The world is witnessing rapid changes in the consumption behavior, nutritional intake, population health and food supplies of the world population, especially from the developed and developing countries of the world due to globalization and modernization (Agger, 2004). During the second half of the 20th century, several western style fast foods outlets and multinational brands have emerged and during the past few decades, they have significantly accelerated their marketing activities (Miele, et al., 2002, p. 30). Children and adolescents have been at the centre stage of this fast food revolution. Mattsson and Helmersoon (2007), for example, argued that a significant majority of the high school students from Scandinavian countries report that despite being aware of the health risks posed by fast foods, they continue to consume fast foods because of cultural pressures and a strong addiction to fatty and sweet foods (Popkin & Gordon-Larsen, 2004, p. 54). The United States, the parent country of most of the fast food chains with a population obsessed with fast foods, is now battling with widespread health risks of fast foods in form of heart diseases and obesity. In fact, the US ranks at the top of the list amongst industrialized countries in terms of obesity rates. Almost half of the adult population and a quarter of the population of children is either obese or is at the risk of obesity. Although, there are several other lifestyle and external factors that have contributed towards creating an unhealthy and obese population, changing food consumption habits with increased consumptions of fast foods is a defining factor (Holton, 2000). Researchers agree to the fact that the food culture of any region or area is reflected in the health of the population (Park, 2004). For example, the lower incidence of coronary heart disease, cancer, and lower rates of mortality in the Mediterranean region has been linked with the traditional diet of that region (Schaefer, et al., 2004, p. 410; Fieldhouse, 1995). Similarly, researchers also believe that the Japanese longevity has much to do with the traditional diet of that region (Park, 2004; Marquis, 2005). Furthermore, there is evidence, which links the lower prevalence of cancer within South and East Asian region with their diet, which is rich in some spices and fish (Counihan & Van, 2012). The point here is that culture plays a significant role in defining the consumption preferences of people all over the world. This paper is an attempt to explore and analyze trends, attitudes, and perceptions regarding fast food in different cultures all across the world. Discussion Parker et al (2007) have conducted an important piece of research in this regard, where they refute the “global teenager hypothesis”, which suggests that advances in communication technology have homogenized preferences, attitudes, and perceptions of teenagers all around the world. The sample for this empirical study consists of teenagers from three biggest economies of the world: United States, China, and Japan. The results of the study revealed that American teenagers are much less likely to prefer fast food brands, which are highly advertised. Also mentioned by Schaefer et al (2007) that due to being exposed with hundreds of advertisements every day, American teens are more likely to demonstrate their skepticism concerning advertisements. Although, American teenagers have lower preference for heavily advertised fast food brands, they did demonstrate high preference specific fast food brands. In other words, there is significant degree of brand loyalty of certain brands amongst different teenagers, which means that fast food chains have been successful in their marketing and branding efforts (Seubsman, et al., 2009, p. 671). Surprisingly enough, when asked whether they care about certain brands, Chinese teenagers reported to be caring significantly brands as compared to Japanese and American teenagers. On the other hand, Japanese teenagers placed greatest importance on the reputation of the company’s brand name while deciding on their loyalty and association to the fast food brand (Schaefer, et al., 2004, p. 410). Furthermore, when Chinese teenagers are more likely to associate superior quality and prestige with American brands, similar techniques with Japanese teenagers are more likely to isolate them. Japanese teenagers are more likely to fulfill their nutritional needs at fast food stores, which they believe to be originating from their local culture (Miele, et al., 2002, p. 30; Holton, 2000). Seubsman et al (2009) conducted an important study in this regard with adolescents in Northern Eastern Thailand. Although, the geographical scope of the study remains limited, the sample size and methodology of the research provide strong empirical and generalizable results. Researchers begin with highlighting the fact that Thailand no longer suffers from the problems of under-nutrition, but the country now suffers from obesity and other health related problems. After cancer, circulatory diseases are now the second biggest cause of deaths (Counihan & Van, 2012). Traditionally, the Thai food culture rested on the foundation of rice with abundant intake of several vegetables and fruits to provide the needed minerals and vitamins. Furthermore occasional use of fish ensured fulfillment of the requirements of protein within the diet. Quite clearly, this diet is significantly low in fat; something which remained apparent in the average body mass of Thai citizens (Grier, et al., 2007; Marquis, 2005). However, during the past few decades, the Thai food culture has changed rapidly and traditional Thai food is now being replaced with several high-fat contents. There is conclusive empirical evidence to prove that a cause and effect relationship between the increase in fat and sugar consumption and weight increase within the Thai population (Seubsman, et al., 2009, p. 671). During the period of 1999-2005, an average Thai citizen spent 40 percent more on fast food. The current generation of Thailand is the one, which was hugely influenced by the constant bombardment of Television, radio, billboards and other advertisements of fast food restaurants. There are no doubts in the fact that rapid changes in the diet of Thai people, where the consumption of vegetables and fruit has been replaced with the consumption of animal fats, oil and sugar is the leading cause of obesity (Meiselman, 2009). Nevertheless, as mentioned earlier, the study found out that almost 50 percent of the sample population, consisting of high school children, revealed that they were well aware of the health risks related to excessive fast food consumption. The study found out that factors such as strong educational background, having educated parents and exposure to the urban culture were correlated with greater awareness of health risks and lesser consumption of fast foods within the young Thai population (Anderson & He, 1999). Several researchers acknowledge the fact that food decisions concerning the food choice, volume, time, location and company are made within complex eating environment, where variety of external and internal factors impact the decision. The Boundary Model of Overeating suggests within western societies, eating rarely occurs because people are hungry (Wilk, 2006). In fact, they are more likely to engage in the intake of food oblivious to their biological desires, where societal norms and environmental cues dictate that time and quantity of their take. Therefore, since people in these cultures are more likely to be biologically motivated for their food intake, they are more likely to resort to the two extremes of under-consumption of overconsumption (Bowman, et al., 2004). For example, in western cultures, people might decide to have a burger not because they want the same to satisfy their hunger but to spend some time with their friends (Trichopoulou & Lagiou, 1997, p. 385). These differing perceptions and tendency to consume fast foods amongst different nations can be understood, to some degree, with family structures as well. In closely knitted nuclear families, the parents are likely to keep check and balance on the diets of their children until their late teenage years. Mothers play a vital role in monitoring the diet of their children in these cultures and even if the mothers come from an illiterate or less educated background, they do learn how to differentiate between healthy and unhealthy foods (Grier, et al., 2007; Parker, et al., 2007, p. 40). Furthermore, these nuclear families are likely to have more family dinners and children are less likely to get permission to go out with their friends for dinner and lunches. In most developed countries, where life is busier and family structures are loose, children enjoy the autonomy and liberty to visit, frequently, fast food restaurants to fulfill their dietary requirements (Wilk, 2006). Even worse, these children develop carving for fast food from their early years, where their mothers, who usually find themselves short on time due to their professional lives, are likely to fulfill a significant portion of their nutritional requirements with fast food. Mostly, because of the convenience that it offers with its widespread and round the clock availability (Miele, et al., 2002, p. 30; Popkin & Gordon-Larsen, 2004, p. 54). The fact is that when these children receive training to consume fast food from their parents at an early age, it is likely to stay within their minds until their last days. In the case of several developing countries, where fast food chains have recently expanded, people have learned about consuming fast food through social modeling. Since most of the fast food chains began to target the upper and upper middle class income segment within these societies, fast food became an elite food within these societies, something that increased the desire amongst the masses to model this behavior (Counihan & Van, 2012; Brislin, 2000). On the other hand, in several developing countries, where women are less likely to be employed or employed with part time jobs, they put immense focus on their responsibility as homemakers. A significant portion of their responsibility lies in preparing food for the family; thus, decreasing the incidence of families eating fast food (Anderson & He, 1999). This was primarily due to this different social and family dynamic that several fast food chains, when entering in Asian and Latin American countries completely overhauled their positioning strategy from upbeat fast food chains to “family fast food chains”. They began to position themselves not as the desired location for teenagers but as places where families could dine-in and have quality meals (Counihan & Van, 2012; Bowman, et al., 2004) Another cultural aspect, which highlights a difference amongst different fast food intake of different cultures stems from the social norms within these cultures. In several western countries, especially the United States, liberty, and freedom are seen as the biggest virtues. The authority and choice to make personal decisions, at every stage of life, is not only desirable but also imperative (Meiselman, 2009; Popkin & Gordon-Larsen, 2004, p. 54). Research reveals that there are two social norms guiding food intake; namely minimal eating norm and matching norm. The later argues that people represent a tendency to match the eating level of their friends or company so that they do not feel awkward. The former, however, argues that people are likely to show control over their eating tendency within social settings (Seubsman, et al., 2009, p. 671). However, the fact is that this is more likely to be applicable in eastern societies where excessive food consumption and excessive self-indulgence are seen as undesirable. These cultures mostly shaped by their religions, see this world as merely a stepping-stone to the eternal life. Therefore, these cultures teach their followers to abhor excessive consumption and instead, focus on sharing the food with the less privileged, making the same as their responsibility (Trichopoulou & Lagiou, 1997, p. 385). More importantly, in such eastern cultures, while in social settings, people are less likely to exhibit their gluttony. Furthermore, as mentioned earlier, family dinners are common within these cultures, where parents, implicitly or explicitly, teach their children to exert self-control in matters of their food intake. Therefore, when these children engage on food intake in front of their parents, which is more likely, they find themselves in a situation, where they cannot demonstrate any gluttony (Schlosser, 2004). However, in western societies, right from their early age, children enjoy the freedom and liberty to enjoy as much fast food as they desire. This also explains why fast food menus for western countries include some of the most fatty and huge burgers, whereas, these fast food chains did not include the same in their menus for the eastern countries, as they anticipated that the same would not be well received within these societies (Grier, et al., 2007; Bowman, et al., 2004). Nevertheless, these researchers fail to explain or even highlight another social norm within the eastern cultures that could translate into greedy fast food consumption but it does not. When it comes to wasting food, Western societies have been able to outclass the eastern societies (Parker, et al., 2007, p. 40). Although, people do try to consume the biggest portion of what is presented in front of them, they do end up wasting a significant amount of food in western cultures. Nevertheless, in several eastern societies, the cultural ethic dictates that food should not be wasted at any cost. Considering the widespread lack of resources and poverty within some of these societies, parents teach their children that they should remain thankful for their meals and see the same as a blessing as millions others remain deprived of proper meals (Counihan & Van, 2012; Popkin & Gordon-Larsen, 2004, p. 54). Conclusion There are no doubts about the fact that fast food consumption has emerged as a global trend in almost all developing and developed countries of the world. Furthermore, with globalization and strengthening communications technology, the world is witnessing a great deal of homogeneity within its preferences for fast food (Schlosser, 2004; Brislin, 2000). However, we are still decades away from the level of homogeneity, which is propagated by several experts. The world is still not flat and one of the manifestations of this lies in the fact that there are still significant differences between the preferences, attitudes, and perceptions of fast food consumption amongst different cultures (Miele, et al., 2002, p. 30). As argued in the beginning of the paper, cultural factors play an important role in shaping the attitudes and perceptions of individuals from different culture regarding fast food restaurants. When American teenagers remains skeptical of fast food advertising because of the sheer content of advertising and promotion that they remain exposed to every day, the does not hold true for Japanese and Chinese children (Mattsson & Helmersson, 2007, p. 120). Furthermore, realizing the fact that many of the eastern cultures, unlike the western culture, which emphasizes liberty to make individual decisions, does not promote or prefer greediness in food consumption, many fast food chains have refrained from including their giant burgers and extra cheese items from the menus for these cultures (Anderson & He, 1999). They realize that these societies follow the social norm of minimal consumption, where they limit their consumption of food to demonstrate social control. Furthermore, frequent family dinners and stay at home mothers monitoring the food consumption of their children from early ages do not allow children to idealize fast food from early age (Trichopoulou & Lagiou, 1997, p. 385). References Agger, B. (2004). Speeding Up Fast Capitalism: Internet Culture, Work, Families, Food, Bodies. Paradigm Publishing, Inc. Anderson, P. M., & He, X. (1999). 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