Gender Separation in Higher Education in KSA - Report Example

2.2.3 Gender Separation in Higher Education in KSA 2.2.3.1 Overview of the History of Females in Education in KSA The government of KSA started formally addressing, for the first time, the education of girls in the country in 1959 (Al Rawaf & Simmons, 1991). Al Rawaf and Simmons (1991) also point out that “before 1960 there was no public formal education for women in Saudi Arabia” (p. 287). The years before 1960 had been characterised by informal schooling for both girls and boys, and the education was conducted mainly to inculcate religious concepts in the young people (Hamdan, 2005). The aim of education at this time was to teach people about the Quran, Sunna (Prophet Muhammad’s customary behaviour) and Hadith (the Prophet’s narrations) (Hamdan, 2005). The education of both females and males first took place in KSA in a children’s class for the recitation of the Quran called Kuttab (Hamdan, 2005). In addition to such teachings, there were also teachings for girls, which took place in private tutorials facilitated by male or female readers of Quran in their homes. Girls’ education would be brought to an end at pubescence, “when strict seclusion at home began and veiling in public became mandatory” (Altorki, 1986, p. 19). The very first formal school for the education of girls was established by King Faisal (1906-1975) and his wife (Hamdan, 2005). The king’s wife particularly pushed passionately for the education of Saudi Arabian women. She had a vision to let women pursue language, science and other subjects, and made this a reality (Hamdan, 2005). Despite this seemingly noble idea, King Faisal and his wife initially met stiff resistance from extremists who staged demonstrations at the gates of the schools that had been established by 1960 (Rao & Latha, 2004). These extremists expressed their displeasure with the new learning institutions and those who has enrolled their daughters in them. The opposition continued until the government came up with a strategy to accommodate the views of the extremists. First, the government pledged that female education would be in accordance with Saudi Arabian customs, particularly the custom of segregation. Secondly, it established a special body referred to as the General Presidency for Girls’ Education to be in charge of the education of girls (Rao & Latha, 2004). The government also showed its commitment to preserving Saudi Arabian customs by placing the new body (the General Presidency for Girls’ Education) under the management of Saudi Arabian religious authorities, who continued to supervise girls’ education in KSA (Rao & Latha, 2004). The guiding principle of the General Presidency for Girls’ Education can be perceived to have limited the role that education could play for women, since its main philosophy was “to prepare young girls to be good mothers and obedient wives” (Al Fassi, 2010, p. 17). Recent advances have attempted to improve the status of women in education, and especially higher education in KSA. For instance, the General Presidency for Girls’ Education was disbanded in 2003 and its mandate taken over by the Ministry of Education after widespread dissatisfaction with the way it managed females’ education institutions (Saudi Arabian Cultural Mission to the US (SACM) 2013; Hamdan, 2005). The Ministry of Education is presently the one charged with overseeing girls' schools as well as colleges, supervising nursery schools and kindergartens, and sponsoring literacy programmes for females (SACM, 2013). Also, through the Ministry of Higher Education, KSA promoted the education of women such that by 2009 the number of women studying in private and public universities was higher than that of men (Al Fassi, 2010). Further, the establishment of new universities such as King Abdullah University of Science and Technology in 2009 and the Princess Noura bint Abdul Rahman University for women in 2010 (Ministry of Higher Education, 2010; Saner, 2011) arguably increased opportunities for women both at the learning and teaching levels. By 2010, there were more than 300 colleges of higher education for women in the country in addition to universities, and the proportion of women in higher education in KSA still remains higher than that of men (Ministry of Higher Education, 2010). 2.2.3.2 Current Policy and Overview of the “Rules” In line with Saudi Arabian religious customs, separation of females and males is guided by Article 155 of the Saudi Arabia Education Policy, which calls for a stringent separation of individuals by their gender at all education levels, except at four levels: preschool, nursery level, various privately owned elementary schools, and a number of medical departments in universities (Smith & Abouammoh, 2013; Amnesty International, 2000). Specifically, this law stipulates “banning the mix between boys and girls at all education stages except in kindergartens and nurseries” (Al-Aloola, 2008, p. 30). In addition, women are restricted to education along the lines of jobs that can make them nurturing housewives and mothers (Baki, 2004), and which match their “instincts like teaching, nursing and medicine” (Al-Aloola, 2008, p. 24). Nevertheless, the curriculum used for female and male education is the same, except for subjects in home economics and physical education (Smith & Abouammoh, 2013). However, there are also cases where the curricular used in universities vary for men and women depending on the programmes that exist for each group (AlMunajjed, 1997). Sharia law is embodied in education programmes in KSA, and the aim of education is to inculcate in the Saudi Arabian society “a particular vision of the moral and religious life” (Baki, 2004, p. 4). Education is used as one way of preserving Wahabism, a religious concept that can be roughly interpreted as the Quran’s warning about mixing of males and females by tightly prohibiting any kind of mingling amongst unrelated and unmarried women and men (Baki, 2004). This, coupled with other limitations imposed by Wahabism, such as a ban on driving and general mobility (Blanchard, 2006; Baki, 2004), imply that women’s opportunities to access higher education from different locations in the country are limited. 2.2.3.3 Research about Gender Segregation in KSA and other Countries Various authors have reviewed the issue of gender segregation, especially with respect to education in Saudi Arabia. For instance, Al-Aloola (2008) discussed the separation of genders in education and the challenges that this has caused. The author also discussed Article 155 of the Saudi Arabia Education Policy as well as other Islamic concepts that promote gender segregation and the challenges associated with them such as women having limited opportunities to access higher education compared to men. Baki (2004) discussed the concept of gender segregation in KSA and its effect on the societal norms and labour market in the country. The article by Baki (2004) gives a detailed historical perspective of gender segregation and how the concept is applied in various sectors such as education. AlMunajjed (2009) also provides an analytical review of the gender-segregated form of education in Saudi Arabia. The author notes that women in Saudi Arabia have experienced notable progress in terms of education. This is because the Saudi government has invested large sums of money in public education system, particularly in facilitating women’s education. Nonetheless, AlMunajjed (2009) argues that the substantial increase in investment has not led to a concomitant increase in outcomes for women. One reason given to support this is that the “public system of women’s education in Saudi Arabia is segregated and is supported by the Saudi government” (AlMunajjed, 2009, p. 6). Another study by Jamjoom and Kelly (2013) hailed the inclusion of both female and male education in Saudi Arabia in 2002, but criticised gender segregation since “continued segregation of the genders gives rise to challenges that continually need to be addressed” (p. 122). The authors note that although worldwide studies have proposed that gender-separated schooling leads to improved motivation for both girls and boys, segregated learning in KSA seems to support gendered perceptions that women are inferior to men. Other studies have mentioned the point that gender segregation in education institutions puts a further strain on existing resources but also makes more women willing to take distance learning classes compared to men (Alkhalaf et al., 2010; Albalawi, 2007). Many studies have also been conducted in Arab countries where gender segregation is widely practiced. Weber (2014) suggests that gender segregation is a deeply rooted practice in Qatar and other countries in the Gulf region. This view is supported by Kelly and Breslin (2010), who argue that “the entire public education system in Qatar is segregated by gender” (p. 411), and that Qatar University has separate campuses for males and females. The same scenario is reflected in Iran, where gender segregation starts right from elementary school (Rezai-Rashti, 2012), and in the United Arab Emirates (UAE), where it is indicated that gender segregation in public universities is a costly affair since it is not always easy to duplicate programmes and facilities for men and women (Naaj, Nachouki & Ankit, 2012). 2.2.3.4 Issues from the Literature of Gender Segregation From the review of literature on gender separation in higher education in KSA and other countries, a number of issues are apparent. First is that gender separation is a historical issue that is rooted in religion and culture as seen in the case of Saudi Arabia and the highlighted countries, including other Gulf countries that were not mentioned. In Saudi Arabia, gender separation is supported by laws such as the Saudi Arabia Education Policy, which bans the mixing of male and female students except at the very low stages of education when very they are young. Secondly, it is clear that gender segregation denies females opportunities to access education, especially higher education. This is because women are treated as subordinates to men and are denied access to some courses that are perceived to be the domain of men. In addition, the ban on mixing with males and general mobility means that women cannot travel freely to institutions of higher learning nor have access to learning resources as their male counterparts are able to. However, it is also apparent that the separation makes women more likely to use distance learning programmes, which enable them to have higher education without necessarily having to interact with men. The third issue is connected to the second one, and is about the challenges associated with gender segregation in education. As pointed out by by Jamjoom and Kelly (2013), “continued segregation of the genders gives rise to challenges that continually need to be addressed” (p. 122). These challenges include the high cost of duplicating courses and facilities used by males so that they match those used by females, and further strains on existing resources (e.g. libraries, computers) due to the fact that they cannot be shared effectively by both males and females. 2.2.3.4.1 How this Might Impact on the Research The three issues will affect the study in different ways. Since gender separation is embedded in culture, religion and the law, it may affect how males and females academic staff use learning management systems. The reduced opportunities for women to access higher education will mean that there are fewer female academic staff and this is likely to affect the reliability of the sample used. Also, the numerous challenges associated with gender segregation may make it difficult for some respondents to give honest opinion regarding their use of LMS. References Al Fassi, H. (2010). Introduction. 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