Feminist Movements - Literature review Example

Feminist Movements WGSS 201: Midterm . An argument can be made that there have been feminists throughout history and there will be feminists well into the future until some unforeseeable point at which men and women have achieved fully equal status. However, as a movement, feminism had its true start near the beginning of the 20th century and perhaps saw its apex during the last half of that century. While early feminists introduced the ideas and gained some rights for women, it was the second wave in the 1950s and 1960s that brought the movement forward as a truly political force. Dissatisfied with some of the philosophies and more individually-focused efforts of this second wave, a third wave of feminists emerged who were dedicated to more radical actions and broader social change. The outspokenness and sometimes extreme stances of these women were portrayed as mostly angry and bitter, leading successive generations to distance themselves from the feminist label even though they often had feminist ideals. For this reason, feminism as a movement still lives today, but has taken a more subdued approach, preferring to link its pursuits with those of other groups also seeking equality. Introduction The task of providing a clear definition of the term feminism is inherently difficult because the women who identify themselves under this term are, by and large, independent thinkers. While they may adhere mostly to one given philosophy or another, they borrow and adapt ideas depending on the appropriateness to a given situation. Additionally, just because they fall under a given definition doesn’t mean these women accept all of the concepts blanketed under a given term. As a result, feminism as an ideology shifts and changes with time and conditions as energy transfers among various different approaches and pursuits. One idea that trends true through all these movements, though, is the idea that these women and others who join them are working toward greater equality between the genders. The main thrust of the movement as it has developed historically is to achieve a more equitable home, work and social/political life for women by giving women greater control and expression of their rights. Although there are numerous women throughout history including Abigail Adams, Mary Wollstonecraft, Catherine Beecher Stowe and others who would today be considered feminists, these women represented only the first wave of the movement. By the time society reached the upheaval of the 1960s, feminism had reached a new energy and focus. This marked the beginning of the second wave of feminists who are sometimes also termed the liberal feminists. These women, working in the peaceful protest spirit of their age, conducted events designed to bring attention to the inequalities experienced by women with a focus of encouraging women to take control of their own fates. Some women, and many younger women, felt that these measures were not strong enough and adopted a more forceful, confrontational stance. These became known as the third wave of feminism or the radical feminists. By examining the philosophies of these two groups, discovering their similarities and differences, it becomes possible to identify some unifying characteristics of feminism that may shed light on the movement as it exists, or doesn’t exist, today. Similarities between the Movements The character of the feminist movement of the late 1950s and 1960s owed a great deal to the processes of the Civil Rights Movement. Their focal point was that all people, men and women, blacks and whites, were entitled to equal rights and considerations within a just society. This goal of achieving equal rights, equal pay, equal consideration and equal treatment for everyone is a goal shared by both second and third wave feminists. Women of all political affiliations and both feminist movements strongly believe and can support their claims that their gender has been the victim of overt and subtle manners of male repression throughout history and into the modern age. Activist Ruth Rosen says it has been the goal of conservatives to reverse any gains made by these movements in order to move American society back into the more comforting (for white men) system of patriarchy. “The truth is we’re living with the legacy of an unfinished gender revolution. Real equality for women, who increasingly work outside the home, requires that liberals place the care crisis at the core of their agenda and take back ‘family values’ from the right” (Rosen, 2007). However, recognizing the fact that women were subjugated was, and continues to be, difficult. As Lorber points out, even though gender status is an ubiquitous element of social organization, it is not always recognized as something that could be, or should be, changed. “In countries that discourage gender discrimination, many major roles are still gendered, women still do most of the domestic labor and childrearing, even while doing full-time paid work; women and men are segregated on the job and each does work considered ‘appropriate’; women’s work is usually paid less than men’s work” (Lorber, 1994, p. 20). It was thus the goal of both movements to raise awareness among women to the issues they were dealing with, whether they recognized them or not. Differences between the Movements Although the goal of realizing equal rights was shared by both second and third wave feminists, the methods they used were dissimilar. Earlier feminists were focused more upon gaining individual rights for women while later feminists were more concerned with bringing about social change. “Critics [of liberal feminist thought] believe that institutional changes like the introduction of women’s suffrage are insufficient to emancipate women. In its investment in a social hierarchy that allows nominal equality on the basis of merit and effort” (Bryson & Campling, 1999, pp. 14-15). While second wave feminists were arguing that women should have the freedom to choose whether to stay at home or work, third wave feminists aspired to “tear down the legitimized and institutionalized domination of men over women and replace it with systems of mutuality, cooperation, and sharing” (Storkey, 1985, p. 102). The act of prostitution illustrates this division of feminist philosophy. While second wave feminists felt prostitution should be among the rights and options afforded to an independent woman, third wave feminists viewed it as a social ill that only exacerbates the historical oppression of women. “Freedom is the mass-marketing of woman as whore. Free sexuality for the woman is in being massively consumed, denied an individual nature, denied any sexual sensibility other than that which serves the male” (Dworkin, 1981). The contradictions in this statement are blatant and the practices by the third wave feminists were equally blunt. As a result of their differences in approach, the second wave feminists gained a reputation as trouble-makers because they were upsetting the ‘natural’ balance of the home while many third wave feminists gained a reputation as a group of bitter man-haters and lesbians because of their strong stance against concepts of gender barriers. The negative image associated with them has thus progressed to a point in which their progressive movement was overshadowed by these negative associations. Whether there is a movement today In terms of a feminist movement, it would be easy to feel that there is no remnant of these organized efforts in existence today. The negative associations with the concept of feminism caused many young women to disassociate themselves from the movement, as is discussed by Aronson (2003) and others. “Radical feminism tends to be mechanical in their analysis of prostitution, separating the moral and spiritual forces of relationships from the temporal forces (and) in doing so they present an incomplete view of relationships between men and women, as well as the intricate relationships between prostitutes and their client” (Bromberg, 1997). This tendency to take a mechanical, black and white approach to issues during feminism’s third wave caused many young women to feel they could not identify themselves as feminists, yet closer questioning revealed they had very feminist attitudes (Aronson, 2003). Because fewer women are willing to identify themselves as feminists, the movement no longer dominates news stories. Groups of women are no longer seen marching down the streets in their underwear or burning bras to make a point. I would argue, though, that the apparent dissolution of the feminist movement is simply because of the sheer volume of information available today drowning out the feminist voice rather than a disappearance altogether. “All feminist positions are founded upon the belief that women suffer from systematic social injustices because of their sex and therefore any feminist is, at the very minimum, committed to some form of reappraisal of the position of women in society” (Evans et al, 1986: 2). Recent items in the news regarding women entering politics and female salaries as compared to male salaries provide some evidence that feminism is still alive and active in today’s society. However, it has evolved from the movements of the past. Rather than being a single movement with a few relatively clear objectives and positions, the feminism of today is multi-faceted and often self-contradictory. This is as easily seen in the debate regarding prostitution today as it was when the third wave movement broke off from the second. Conclusion Today’s feminism is not the same as that of Betty Friedman or any of the other voices that emerged in the 1960s to speak out for the protection of individual women’s rights. It has shifted and grown with changes in social pressures and emerging differences in philosophies and approaches. At first concerned that woman had the right to work outside the home and command similar respect for her efforts as her male counterparts, the accepted nature of that work began to be questioned at the same time that the peaceful protest approach was being questioned for its effectiveness. The third wave of feminists emerged in reaction to the overly accepting attitudes of the second wave, angrily protesting against a social system that insisted upon maintaining gender specified valuations. Rather than be associated with this angry and bitter-seeming group, new generations of women preferred to distance themselves from the feminist label even when their feelings and ambitions were in line with feminist goals. Although there is no solid agreement on individual issues among all women, studies have consistently demonstrated that when questioned along a continuum of feminist concerns, women today are more likely to admit to feminist tendencies or a specified sub-group of the larger movement. Today’s feminism takes this liquidity of thought into consideration in its pursuit of equality objectives. Rather than rallying under the banner of feminism per se, the movement may take the form of obtaining equal pay for all employees at a given level – including race, ethnicity, religion and gender and thus garnering support from all activist groups listed. It is impossible to pigeon-hole women with their constantly changing lives into concretely defined categories. What all feminists or feminist-leaning individuals should realize is that the core goals of the movement remain the same across all groups. That core goal remains focused on leveling the playing field for all. References Aronson, Pamela. (2003). “Feminists or ‘Post-Feminists’? Young Women’s Attitudes towards Feminism and Gender Relations.” Gender & Society 17: pp. 903-22. Bromberg, Sarah. (1997). “Feminist Issues in Prostitution.” Feminist Issues. Retrieved October 8, 2010 from http://www.feministissues.com. Bryson, Valerie & Campling, Jo. (September 1999). Feminist Debates: Issues of Theory and Political Practise. New York: New York University Press. Dworkin, Andrea. (1981). “Whores.” Pornography: Men Possessing Women. New York: Plume. Evans, Judy; Jill Hills; Karen Hunt; Elizabeth M Meehan; Tessa Ten Tusscher; Ursula Vogel; Georgina Waylen. (1986). Feminism and Political Theory. London: Sage. Lorber, Judith. (1994). “Night to His Day: The Social Construction of Gender.” Paradoxes of Gender. Yale University Press, pp. 13-36. Rosen, Ruth. (February 22, 2007). “The Care Crisis.” The Nation Magazine. Retrieved October 8, 2010 from http://www.thenation.com/article/care-crisis. Storkey, Elaine. (1985). What’s Right with Feminism. Grand Rapids, MI: SPCK (Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge); Rev Ed edition (1 Aug 2006). Read More