Gender & Sexual Studies. Joan Acker-Class Question, Feminist Answers - Assignment Example

? Assignment, Gender & Sexual Studies Joan Acker Question, Feminist Answers Question Hegemonic masculinity Acker describesthis as the social notion that men are entitled to privileged positions in society. Additionally, it also connotes the dominant position of men as well as the insubordination of women. In essence, the term seeks to explain why men maintain close to unrivaled and dominant positions in our social set up while women are relegated to lesser roles within this set up. Acker uses the term to describe the general position of women and how the society has come to accept and practice the dictates of hegemonic masculinity which is an extension of the patriarchal leanings. In the book, Acker talks of the general imbalance of men and women in senior position and privileged positions within our corporations. She explains that this is no way a reflection of education but representative of hegemonic masculinity. In practice, the term implies that our society is still laden with gendered inequality. This prompts questions and effort on how such inequality can be addressed to achieve a balanced society that does not judge on gender but on ability. Beyond the book, the term can be used in creating awareness on how gender biasness has created a chasm in our society. Question 2-Means of provisioning Acker constantly uses the term provisioning to describe the activities that people engage in, mostly informal, to be able to cater for their basic needs. She cites activities such as babysitting as a means of provisioning. In a wider scope, and in relation to the economy, means of provisioning appears to refer to all activities that hold the capacity to provide a means of livelihood for members of various classes within an economy. An example of how she uses the term is in her efforts to define class; in this instance she cites “class as a differing and unequal situation in access to and control over the means of provisioning and survival” (Acker 55). The term implies a struggle between classes, an effort to compete for the limited economic means which are largely beneficial in ensuring livelihood. Question 3-Corporate Nonresponsibility In Acker’s view, corporate nonresponsiblity represents a situation where modern day corporations pass on certain responsibilities, mainly survival and caring work, to households. This places greater responsibility to women who are in essence home keepers. Through corporate nonresponsibility, organizations relay responsibility from centers of wealth and power to those with little resources. In a large scope, Acker uses this term to bring into perspective the role of wealth centers, mainly corporations, in compounding the culture of class suppression and gender biasness. This is because these centers refuse to take on responsibilities that would otherwise grant women a favorable chance in competing for opportunities in the corporate world. In the book, Acker uses the term severally, but perhaps one situation where she draws on a practical illustration is when she notes Wal-Mart as an example of corporate nonresponsibility. She notes the corporation as a “prime example of corporate nonresponsibility mainly by turning workers into lowest cost, easily replaceable, factors of production” (Acker, 162). Question 4-Unpaid Labor/reproductive labor Unpaid labor or reproductive labor is brought to the fore in an attempt to describe the value and contribution of women to a capitalist economy. In essence, it represents labor that is actually not compensated but one that has value to the economy. An example of unpaid labor is domestic labor. In her larger argument, Acker appears to “monetize” this class of labor and also brings into perspective the idea that women are basically the victims of unpaid labor. In this context, she appears to link unpaid labor and the unfortunate position of women whose efforts are not duly compensated and whose position is majorly determined by the men they support. An example of how she uses this term is in her effort to describe the proportion of unpaid work, she cites that close to 40 and 60 percent of the total value of all U.S. output is unpaid. To cement her argument, and to link the idea of unpaid labor and gender imbalance, she cites that “in every country, women do a large proportion of this work, especially of child care” (Acker 61). The term implies that one of the reasons we continue to see a significant gap between men and women is the fact that women’s productivity is largely uncompensated. This is a crucial lesson in that it brings to the fore the fact that for the society to address the present levels of inequality it must first seek to address the compensation problem as a means of empowerment. Question 5-Inequality regimes In Acker’s own words, inequality regimes represent “historically specific patterns of race, gender, and class relations within particular organizations” (Acker 109). In this sense, inequality regimes are practices within organizations that act to produce and maintain racialized and gendered class relations. Acker uses the term inequality regimes in trying to explain the role of organizations in maintaining class, and enforcing gendered and racialized relations. An example of how she uses this term is when she seeks to illustrate ways through which inequality regimes are enforced in organizations. She cites that, “hiring workers from networks of family and friends of managers and workers tends to replicate the existing gendered and racialized class compositions” (Acker 124). The term implies that fighting gender and racial biasness does not only call for a paradigm shift in our social nuances rather, it also calls for a through reconsideration of our corporate and organization practices. This is because the factors that support the “class society” are entrenched in these organizations through the existence of inequality regimes. The term can be used to illustrate the extent of gendered and racialized practices within our society. Question 6 In reference to Acker’s definition of inequality regimes, it is clear that factors that support a gendered and racialised society are entrenched in all organizations. Notably, the supporting practices are sometimes unconscious as they represent a continuous process which would pass as both ethical and valid. A very good example of such practice is hiring, the hiring process especially a competitive one would be considered full proof of an organization’s commitment to fairness. However, beneath the veil of competitiveness there are certain factors such as gender biasness where a certain gender is considered for certain positions as well as racial cues. Such factors propagate a gendered and racialized society. A look at the documentary Waging a Living reveals the struggle of poor Americans across different racial groupings. These individuals are fully dedicated to their work and they work extremely hard. Unfortunately, their effort falls short in terms of the compensation they get. The reward is inadequate to meet in entirety even the most basic needs. In this discussion we consider Jerry Longoria, a security guard and Mary Venittelli, a waitress. Jerry Longoria, a security guard offers his best in his work. Throughout the documentary, there is no single complain about his work ethic or commitment. Under normal circumstances and in an ideal situation you would expect that he gets a favorable reward. Unfortunately, this is not the case. In the context of Acker’s view, he is weighed down by his race which makes it difficult for him to attain any meaningful position. Though indirectly, it is possible that historical factors, both in-house and throughout his life have conspired making him subject to the inequality regimes. These include limited opportunities in the work place as well as limited educational or development opportunities owing to his background and the social environment in which he has grown. The other individual is Mary Venitelli, a waitress who struggles to earn enough to guarantee her children a decent life. She hopes that her fine effort and dedication to her work would create an opportunity for her to earn more and thence help her run her home comfortably. Unfortunately, this is not the case as the pay she gets is minimal as equated to her effort. Secondly, she finds it difficult to assume a higher post due to a myriad of factors. Most notably, she silently suffers due to her being a mother laden with familial responsibilities. Secondly, an in reference to Acker’s views she may be subject to inequality regimes which make it hard for a woman to command any reasonable pay. This is gendered classification which is bound to condemn her to a lifetime of missed opportunity and professional stagnation. Question 7 Inequality regimes tend to legitimize racial and gendered inequalities. It should be noted that any factor beyond the objective measures of skill and level of qualification allows for perpetration of subjective measures which are hereby discussed by Acker. Subjective measures introduce biased measures of pay and progression. This way, they tend to award individuals based on factors that would otherwise not be of any significance in as far as discharging work responsibilities. There are several of these factors but Acker focuses on two, race and gender which are the elements defining inequality regimes. In terms of race, an individual is on the surface judged on qualification and skill however, the defining factor which determines their progression and their pay within the organization is subjectively defined by their race or their gender. It is this bias that creates a wage gap where members of the favored race and gender command higher pay than those of the other race and gender considered inferior. In term gendered class, it is noted that the reason women command lower pay is largely due to unpaid labor defined earlier on in this discussion. Lastly, the gendered biasness also results from the unequal distribution of means of provisioning across gendered. This leaves women at a disadvantaged position. Ange-Marie Hancock, The Politics of Disgust Question 1-Politics of Disgust Hancock describes the politics of disgust as a result of four features, these are; perversion of democratic attention, secondly it results from the alteration of democratic deliberation from intersubjective context to conditioned monologic context. The third factor representing politics of disgust is the precipitation of well intentioned individuals into the pitfall of collective thinking also described as biasness. These factors collectively explain politics of disgust as an emotion-laden response to long-standing beliefs about, single, poor African American mothers that have spread epidemiologically (Hancock 9). The term is used to describe what has plagued the society and poisoned the mind of what would otherwise be a proud, productive and objective society. An example of how the term is used is in explaining the constitution of the American welfare policy which is founded on racist, and gendered connotations, such subjectivity explains the foundations of politics of disgust. This term can be used to describe any social situation that fails to include objectivity. Question 2-Public Identity Public identity is a public presentation of the self, based upon what we as citizens are able to agree upon. Public identity is conditioned not simply by one’s own speech and action but also by others’ perception, interpretation and manipulation especially for those citizens who lack political equality (Hancock 4). Hancock uses the term to express that which should be the foundation of public policy. Through public identity the voice of those who are otherwise saddled is heard and considered. The term can be used to define or explain just how the political elite can establish a representative framework which puts into consideration the view of all individuals irrespective of class, gender or race. Question 3-Culture of poverty Culture of poverty is defined as a situation where individuals, mainly those who are disadvantaged, are unable to rise above their common challenges. Rising above these challenges includes making their voice heard as well as making a conscious effort to rise above their situations. The culture of poverty is used to describe a situation where individuals who have historically been suppressed still continue to suffer from oppression. The term can be used to describe the situation of women and racially segregated groups. They have been subjected to a culture of poverty which has seen them play second fiddle to the privileged races. Question 4-National Welfare Rights Organization (NWRO) This was a body constituted in 1996 to champion the rights of welfare recipients. It was also a tool of fighting misconceptions the public had regarding the plight and position of welfare recipients. An example from the book regarding the use of the term is in illustration of how Bertha Bridges plight was used as political capital for Congressman Scott McInnis. Such undue capitalization of those in need was only to be addressed by through the constitution of NWRO (Hancock 117). Question 5-Lack of Solidarity Lack of solidarity is seen as proof for politics of disgust. It is defined as lack of unity, unity of purpose, for people suffering the same plight characterized by suffering and lack of opportunity. Hancock uses the term to describe how people who share problems mainly founded on racial and gender biasness fail to join a common front and advance their interest. Further, this confounds the stereotypes and moral judgments plaguing the welfare recipients (Hancock 114). The term implies that there is need for people to forge a common front to advance their interests and heighten the chances of getting rewarded due to collective effort, this would be solidarity. Question 6 Following Hancock’s discussion, one realizes that “Politics of Disgust” has been around for some time and have grown unabated. In his evaluation and discussion Hancock uses the debates of welfare reform in 1995/6 to link “Politics of Disgust” with “the Welfare Queen”. She argues that the propagation of political disgust enabled the welfare queen debate to be channeled politically and which was harmful. The media and congressional reports demonstrate a politics of disgust due to their position as conduits of information and debates of those charged with the formulation of the welfare queen. Question 7 One of the foremost efforts of the welfare recipients to alter the inhumane constructions of welfare dependency was forging the National Welfare Rights Organization (NWRO). This body represented the common interest of the welfare recipients and sought to portray them “humanely” something that seemed to lack beforehand. According to Hancock the challenges arises from the fact that there lacks solidarity for those in these rather unprivileged positions. References Acker, J. (2006). Class questions: Feminist answers. Lanham, Md. [u.a.: Rowman & Littlefield. Hancock, A.-M. (2004). The politics of disgust: The public identity of the welfare queen. New York: New York University Press. Read More