Chinese Gender Imbalance - Research Paper Example

Chinese Gender Imbalance 0 Introduction The implementation of one-child policy in China reduced the population into 3 billion after nearly 30years. Government officials consider strict family planning policies as essential for economic growth of the country. This policy is accompanied by vigorous campaigns emphasizing the need for individual sacrifice for collective good (Stein, 1995, p. 31). China became one of the largest economies worldwide due to its effective implementation of policies (Chang, 2008, p. 10). However, China’s one-child policy currently threatens the gender balance of the country. Zhang Weiqing, “National Population and Family Planning Commission” Minister, stresses the intention of the country to implement this policy (as cited in Chang, 2008, p. 10). This paper aims to highlight the relationship between population and gender in China. It outlines how the government’s effort to reduce the country’s population leads to gender imbalance. The paper thoroughly explores the one-child policy and how it contributed to gender imbalance. In addition, it highlights the couple’s preference for a son as a mediating variable in the relationship between population and gender. Lastly, the paper outlines the adverse effects of gender imbalance. 2.0 One Child Policy A group of natural scientists believes that there is a drastic need to address a population crisis in China (Hesketh, 2009, p. 105). Deng Xiaoping’s effort to address the population growth became official during 1979. The one-child policy limited the offspring of the couples to one (as cited in Chang, 2008). This policy is rigorously implemented during the early 1980’s (Joint Economic Committee, 1992). The birth rate in China reduced from 33% to 16% per 1,000 on 1970 and 1998. This decline can be attributed to the "later, longer, and fewer" campaign during the 1970 (Merli & Smith, 2002). One-child policy serves as a response to a surge in population growth during the 1960’s to 1970’s. It was considered as a temporary policy upon its introduction; however, three decades later it continues to be implemented in China (Wu, 2008). One-child policy was first met with resistance manifested through an increase of birth rate in the 1980s. Local officials admitted that they failed to strictly implement the policy. This period is followed by abortions and mass fertilization as the policy was revised to make it feasible to implementation. The amendment of the policy allowed couples in the rural areas to have a second child if their firstborn is a girl (Jacka & Sargeson, 2011, p. 139). This strengthened the notion that one girl is insufficient for rural families, while two girls or a single son is good enough. Similar stipulations are present for provincial regulation of the "Population and Family Planning Law of 2002." For instance, the "Anhui Provincial Family Planning Regulations of 2002" allowed couples to have a second child if they met certain criteria (Jacka & Sargeson, 2011, p. 139). One of these criteria includes the need for couples to be registered as rural residents with a disabled son or one daughter to have a second child. The daughter is not only equated with half the worth of the son but also with the child who is disabled. The one-child policy reinforces the notion that conceiving a son is necessary for survival of the rural families (Jacka & Sargeson, 2011, p. 139). The Chinese government also allowed married couples to have a second child if they are the only children of their families and when they have special occupations (Bhattacharjya, Sudarshan, Tuljapurkar, Schachter, & Feldman, 2008). However, most Chinese are burdened by the cost of high fostering fee for raising additional children. Campaigns that proclaim “later, longer, fewer” have encouraged Chinese to delay marriages, have a smaller family, and put greater time between births (Chang, 2008, p. 10). The current fertility among Chinese female decreased to 1.45 children from 5.2 in the 1930’s (Chang, 2008, p. 10). The one-child policy is imposed through administrative and economic incentives to couples with one child as well as penalties for those couples who fail to abide the law. Enforcers or cadres of the law are also penalized for failing to meet the quotas (Merli & Smith, 2002). Chinese leaders designed the reward-punishment system which makes life easier for those who comply with the law and burdensome for individuals who fail to abide the law. Nationwide campaign that espouses one-child policy includes "with two children you can afford a 14-inch TV, with one child you can afford a 21-inch TV" slogan. Couples in China are required to have permission to be married and to have a child (as cited in Tischler, 2006, p. 419). Government encourages couples to acquire "Glorious One Child certification" to prove that they agree to have one child in exchange for benefits. This entitles the couples with a child aged 13 and below to receive a monthly childbearing allowance (as cited in Tischler, 2006, p. 419). The government offers larger house and high salary for those couples who agreed to have a single child in urban areas. The failure to comply with the law entails demotion or job loss (as cited in Tischler, 2006, p. 419). Couples with a second child pay a fine three times of their combined annual salary. Those who have a second child without paying fine or permission allow their child to be unregistered. This child exists illegally; thus, he/she is confronted with difficulty of obtaining the right to be educated, to relocate, and marry (as cited in Tischler, 2006, p. 419). Those couples who have a third child are burdened by stiffer fines imposed by the government. The government deducts 10% from their salaries starting from the 4th month of the pregnancy until such time that the 3rd child reached the age of 14. The same punishment is incurred by those couples who had a child out of wedlock (as cited in Tischler, 2006, p. 419). 3.0 One Child Policy and Gender Imbalance Gordon et al. (2008) stressed that one-Child Policy contributed to a demographic dilemma which may lead to social unrest in China in the succeeding years. China is currently confronted with gender imbalance, which is unprecedented among countries which did not fight a war. The global average of the male-to-female ratio is 105:100 (p. 64). The national census in China during 2000 indicated that the male-to-female ratio of one to four year old is 120.8 or 100.0. This suggests that approximately 12 million females were unaccounted during the 2000 census (Gordon et al., 2008, p. 64). Gordon et al. (2008) reiterated that there is a higher likelihood that these females were aborted upon discovering sex of the fetus (p. 64). The Chinese government projected that there will be approximately 30 million men who will not find a wife by 2020 (as cited in Gordon et al., 2008, p. 64). Majority of Chinese women are entering into the labor force; thus, only few are marrying or having children. Technology intensified inequality as it offers couples more means in determining the sex of their unborn child (Stange, Oyster, & Sloan, 2011, p. 282). The combination of accessible technology for abortion and preference for a son led to gender imbalance. Joseph (2009) stressed that the rigorous advocacy for one-child policy engendered negative attitudes toward unborn children (p. 275). Married couples opt to have a boy with the knowledge that they can only have one child. These couples fail to determine the moral difference between aborting an unborn child for demographic purpose at the command of the government or for personal reasons such as sex preference as they became accustomed to forced abortion (Joseph, 2009, p. 274). Legislation became internalized as people grown accustomed with the law. The younger generation began to opt for smaller families (Stange, Oyster, & Sloan, 2011, p. 282). The Chinese government is driven to devise means to reduce the sex ratio into normal level. The “care for girls” campaign was launched to alleviate the cultural discrimination experienced by girls through subsidies and education. The government began to provide grants for those families which have two girls (Chang, 2008, p. 11). Some provinces in China allowed couples with girls to conceive a son. The government reinvigorated its effort to inform the public that abortion based on sex is illegal. The doctors were forbidden by the government to divulge the gender of the unborn child to the Chinese couples (Chang, 2008, p. 11). 4.0 Preference for a Son Chinese society considers sons as extra hands for work on the farm. The elderly expects that their sons will carry the name of the family in the future (Chang, 2008, p. 10). The son assists parents in production and agricultural activities. The traditional Chinese inheritance law offers insights into why most Chinese families prefer to have a son (Chang, 2008, p. 10). This law dictates that only the sons can inherit the family property. Sons are considered as providers among elderly. The government continues to encourage the monetary dependency of aging families on male offspring (Chang, 2008, p. 10). Bhattacharjya et al. (2008) reiterated that preference for a son can be attributed to Confucian patriarchal tradition. Chinese society firmly believes that the lineage of their families can be passed to the next generation through a male offspring. A married couple in China typically cohabits or lives with the husband’s parents, which is commonly termed as “virolocal marriage” (Bhattacharjya et al., 2008). This weakens the tie of the daughter to her parents. She may not be obligated or encouraged to provide assistance to her parents after marriage. The current economic opportunities presented to women did not increase her value as she is only obligated to support her in-laws (Bhattacharjya et al., 2008). There is an absence or minimal support for elderly in rural areas in China; thus, they rely on the support provided by their children. The prevalence of virilocal marriages signifies that sons serve as the source of instrumental, emotional, and financial support to their parents as they reside with them. Married couples who opt for sex-selection desire to have a son (Bhattacharjya et al., 2008). They expect that their son will marry and bring a wife who will provide them with assistance during their old age. The irony lies in how married couples lessen the likelihood of their sons finding a wife and continuing the lineage of their families as they engage in sex election. Sex selection increases gender imbalance and consequently reduces the number of probable wives (Bhattacharjya et al., 2008). The preferential treatment among boys in the Chinese society has negative consequences. Boys are relegated with many duties and responsibilities. They carry the name of the family, and they are a burden with financial and social responsibilities. Their failures, achievements, careers, and movements are constantly scrutinized by their family (Kleinman & Lin, 1981, p. 161). Their achievements are for the entire family and not merely for themselves. Thus, shame felt by these individuals is also experienced by the entire family. The high expectation among Chinese boys posed unbearable stress and burden. Girls experience similar parental pressure in a lesser degree compared to boys. The central concerns among parents for their female child lie in their conduct and finding a desirable husband (Kleinman & Lin, 1981, p. 161). 5.0 Effect of Gender Imbalance Several researchers argue that gender imbalance can precipitate social problems including human trafficking, prostitution, and drug abuse (as cited in Chang, 2008, p. 11). Chinese government believes that high sex ratio will lead to regional and domestic increase in trafficking of women and prostitution. Approximately 10,000 to 20,000 victims are trafficked in China annually. Women and children account for 90% of this calculation (Putten, 2010). These individuals are trafficked from poor to prosperous provinces for sexual exploitation, brides, and illegal adoption. Experts stress that this gender imbalance fuelled the increase in market demand for trafficked women, which subsequently led to high prostitution and trafficking of women. Experts believe that trafficking and prostitution serve as negative consequences of one-child policy and low number of females (Putten, 2010). Human trafficking of children and women is considered as a prevalent problem in China (Stange, Oyster, & Sloan, 2011, p. 282). The limited number of females may facilitate forced marriages and prostitution. Selling and kidnapping boys became prevalent in China as families are legally restricted to conceive more children. A report indicated that these children are sold at the cost of 18,000 yuan or $2,280 during 2005 (as cited in Chang, 2008, p. 11). Putten (2010) stressed that one-child policy increased the “floating population.” Women run with their daughters from family-planning advocates and reside in the fringes of Chinese urban society. These groups account for estimated 50 million individuals in the entire country (Putten, 2010). These individuals do not have the right for education, health care, and other social services due to their illegal status. Women who do not want to abort their unborn child but do not want to flee are burdened by paying for the fines imposed by family-planning cadres. Women in rural areas are presented with few alternatives as they continue to suffer from colliding familial needs and state policies (Putten, 2010). Backman (2008) noted that men who do not have a family tend to congregate with the floating population. These men are referred as “bare branches” or “guang gun-er” in China. They are likely to engage in illegal activities or involve in crime without the responsibility and stability of a family (p. 86). 6.0 Conclusion The relationship of population and gender is mediated by the Chinese preference for a son. One-child policy reflects the effort of the government to improve the standard of living among Chinese through addressing population growth of the country. However, one-child policy began to threaten the gender balance of the country as couples opt for a male child. This is mainly driven by the desire to continue the lineage of the family and obtain support from a male offspring. Gender imbalance precipitates numerous illegal activities which include women and child trafficking, prostitution, and forced marriages. References Backman, M. (2008). Asia future shock: Business crisis and opportunity in the coming years. China: Palgrave Macmillan. Bhattacharjya, D., Sudarshan, A., Tuljapurkar, S., Schachter, R., & Feldman, M. (2008). How can economic schemes curtail the increasing sex ration at birth in China. Demographic Research, 19, 1931+. Chang, M. (2008). Tipping the scale: Gender imbalance in China. Harvard International Review 30 (1), 10+. Gordon, J., Button, R. W., Cunningham, K., Reid, T., Blickstein, I., Wilson, P., & Goldthau, R. (2008). Domestic trends in the United States, China, and Iran: Implications for U.S. navy strategic planning. USA: Rand Corporation. Hesketh, T. (2009). Susan Greenhalgh. Just one child: Science and policy in Deng’s China. China Review International Volume 16 (1), 105+. Jacka, T., & Sargeson, S. (2011). Women, gender and development in rural China. USA: Edward Elgar. Joint Economic Committee. (1992). China’s economic dilemmas in the 1990’s: The problems of reforms, modernization, and interdependence. USA: M.E. Sharpe. Joseph, R. (2009). Human rights and the unborn child. Netherlands: BRILL. Kleinman, A., & Lin, T. Y. (1981). Normal and abnormal behaviour is Chinese culture. USA: Springer. Merli, M. G., & Smith, H. (2002). Has the Chinese family planning policy been successful in changing fertility preferences?. Demography 39 (3), 557+. Putten, J. C. (2010). Moral issues and concerns about China’s one-child policy: A cosmopolitan perspective. Germany: GRIN Verlag. Stange, M. Z., Oyster, C. K., & Sloan, J. E. (2011). Encyclopedia of women in today’s world. USA: SAGE. Stein, D. (1995). People who count: Population and politics, women and children. USA: Earthscan. Tischler, H. L. (2006). Introduction to sociology. USA: Cengage Learning. Wu, X. (2008). Population policy and human capital accumulation in China. USA: ProQuest. Read More