Does Glocalization Really Exist - Coursework Example

Abstract In this essay, the concept of “Glocalization” will be examined as it is manifested through a popular television program in the Philippines, “Pinoy Big Brother.” This program has become a hit among its audience since it first aired in 2005, and is a version of the “Big Brother” series that first aired in the Netherlands in 1999 and gained worldwide popularity after its introduction in the United States in 2000. We will first define what exactly is meant by the sometimes disputed term “glocalization.” The origins of the Big Brother program will then be discussed. The setting of the Philippine version of the show will be described in terms of the unique characteristics of the local audience, and how this makes “Pinoy Big Brother” an example of glocalization. The impact of the show on the local audience as well as its message and image of the Philippines that it carries to the rest of the world will be examined. From this, we will be able to conclude that in order for a media form to be truly “glocalized,” the transfer of ideas must work in both directions: not only is the “global” form adjusted to the ideals and tastes of its local audience, but the “glocal” form also serves as a vehicle to carry that audience’s self-image back to the rest of the world. Does Glocalization Really Exist? Glocalization seems to have as many different definitions as it does applications. Not everyone seems to be able to agree on a single definition, nor does everyone agree the concept is even real. For our purposes in this essay we will try to develop a single, useful definition of glocalization, but in order to do that we must first look at some of the different ways in which the term is used. “Glocalization” in the etymological sense is the combination of the words “Globalization” and “Local” or “Localization”. In general, it is meant to describe a phenomenon of “global” application that is modified for consumption by local cultures. Thus in the Philippines, and other Asian countries where rice is a staple of the diet, the menu at McDonalds, an international fast-food chain, includes meals with rice. This is a simple and familiar example of “Glocalization.” In McDonalds’ home country the United States, there are no McDonalds that serve rice, since Americans do not eat rice as an everyday staple food. Glocalization is sometimes defined in terms of its difference from “Globalization,” and information technologies such as the internet and the different forms of mass media play a key role in this. It is a process where local populations form direct economic or cultural connections to a global system, without the traditional connections of governments or markets. (Stroupe, 2006) Internet activities such as social websites, online games, and shopping are examples of this definition of glocalization. By contrast, globalization describes a one-way flow of ideas and products from the outside world into local communities, through international corporations, media organizations such as CNN, an entertainment industry dominated – in terms of production and ideals – by the U.S., and major professional sports such as America’s National Basketball Association or England’s Premiership football league. (Stroupe, 2006) Glocalization is a highly promoted, and apparently effective, idea in international marketing, where the belief is that a particular product will be most successfully globalized when it is adapted to particular local areas where it is to be marketed. (Kumar & Goel, 2007) In other words, what makes a particular brand valuable – its name and associated reputation for quality, prestige, or value – is maintained, while the elements of the brand are modified to suit local markets. A good example is cellular phone manufacturer Nokia, who introduced small features such as dust-free keypads and built-in flashlights to their phone models in order to appeal to rural Indian customers. As a result, India’s mobile phone market exploded, going from 300,000 subscribers in 1996 to over 55 million in 2004. (Roll, 2005) The concept of glocalization is applied to activities other than commerce as well. The Glocal Forum is an organisation that dedicates itself to helping communities with social and development projects by gathering resources on a “global” scale, and distributing them at the “local” level, usually at the city or municipal level, bypassing national governments. (The Glocal Forum & CERFE, 2004) According to the Glocal Forum, projects done in this way have greater impact and are more cost-effective. But since it is the ‘provider’ who is the one to decide at what level the service is implemented, might that not actually fit the definition of “globalization” given above? There are some arguments raised that there either really isn’t such a thing as “glocalization,” or if there is, there shouldn’t be. “Glocalization is the ugliness that ensues when the global and local are shoved uncomfortably into the same concept. It doesn't sit well on your palette [sic], it doesn't have a nice euphoric ring. It implies all sorts of linguistic and cognitive discomfort.” (Boyd, 2006) In other words, something is either global or it is local, but not both at the same time. In order to work effectively for the user, a product or idea must be altered by the user to suit his immediate environment and needs. A well-known business consultant and columnist from the Philippines, Reylito Elbo echoes the same sentiments: “Really, you must try any buzzword that takes your fancy. But be sure that you’re ready and capable of adjusting it to suit not only the local, national culture, but the organization as well.” (The Manila Times, 01 October 2007) That implies that local, national, and organisational cultures are very different from any other, and therefore the concept expressed by the “buzzword,” having been “adjusted” by the user, now has a unique and specific local relevance and has lost its global aspect. Thus we find ourselves back to our original question: Does Glocalization really exist? Despite some opinions to the contrary it seems that it does, but only as a matter of degree of change. There is the purely global, that which is applied uniformly everywhere without alteration. The NBA is popular in many countries around the world, yet everyone watches exactly the same games, which are played with the same rules, with no changes made to appeal to any cultural peculiarities in one country or another. Then there is the purely local, something which, regardless of its origin, is altered to suit a limited population, and could not be used in that form anywhere else. And then there is something in between, such as the dust-free Nokia cell phones in India and the rice-serving McDonalds restaurants all across Asia. A Nokia cell phone from India would be recognised as a cell phone in Europe and work in much the same way. A McDonalds in China is, despite having a few different things on the menu, still a very close copy of a McDonalds in America. Therefore, we can define glocalization as: The locally-appropriate alteration of a product or idea that does not change the basic recognition or function of that product or idea. One area where glocalization occurs on a large and successful scale is in the entertainment industry, particularly in television programming. A good example of this is the reality series “Big Brother”, which originated in the United States but has become popular in local forms in many countries around the world. We will examine how this program in one particular country, the Philippines, has been uniquely “glocalized” and as a result become a local, and to a lesser but significant extent global, phenomenon. The Big Brother Television Program “Big Brother” originated in the Netherlands in 1999 and the better-known American version was first aired by the CBS television network in the United States in 2000. (Van Zoonen & Aslama, 2006) The series will be beginning its tenth season in July 2008. (CBS, 2008) The concept of the show is, according to the CBS “Big Brother” website (2008), “Big Brother will follow a group of strangers living together in a house outfitted with dozens of cameras and microphones recording their every move 24 hours a day, seven days a week. One by one, the HouseGuests will vote each other out of the house until at the end of three months, the last remaining HouseGuest will win the grand prize.” In the meantime, the “HouseGuests,” as they are called, are not permitted to leave the premises of the Big Brother house, and have limited and strictly controlled contact with the outside world. During their stay, the participants are given various tasks and competitions to complete to increase the interactions between them. According to CBS (2008 applicant requirements): “Participants for the show are chosen from a series of open casting sessions held at different locations around the country, and from online applications. The Producers are looking for a dynamic group of individuals who are articulate, interesting and exhibit enthusiasm for the project as well as a willingness to share their most private thoughts in an open forum of strangers. This group of individuals, while meeting the technical requirements of the program, must also have sufficient physical, psychological, and mental capacity to endure approximately 100 days in a monitored house under extraordinary conditions.” Applicants are required to undergo a series of interviews and various medical, psychological, and background checks, and while there is a promise of a $500,000 prize to the winner and weekly stipends to the other participants, most of the extensive application process is done at the applicants’ expense. (CBS, 2008) CBS is vague about the number of applicants for the show in recent years, possibly to avoid discouraging would-be participants, but in 2006 Robyn Kass, the Casting Director for Big Brother, estimated that about 30,000 people apply each year in the U.S. (Kass, interview, 2006) Big Brother has been a popular show for other countries to copy. Since its introduction in 1999, a version of the show has been produced in 43 different countries. (Van Zoonen & Aslama, 2006) An internet search for current versions of the show reveals that the extent of its popularity seems to have waned a bit; only 19 countries are currently showing or have scheduled new seasons of Big Brother. One of those countries where the popularity of Big Brother has done anything but wane is the Philippines. Begun in 2005, the series, which is called “Pinoy Big Brother,” has become a sensation in the country, and because of the dispersion of Filipinos around the world, a minor global phenomenon. Currently running one of its three versions – the “Teen Edition,” as opposed to the regular Pinoy Big Brother series and a “Celebrity Edition” that are shown at different intervals – the show enjoys steady ratings of about 23% of Philippine viewers (AGB Neilsen, 2008), and is aired seven nights a week. (ABS-CBN, 2008) While it is modelled after the standard format of the Big Brother shows in the rest of the world, Pinoy Big Brother is uniquely Filipino. In order to understand how this particular program is an excellent example of the “glocalization” of media, the global links of much of the Filipino population and the unique perspective of Filipinos towards celebrity and show business must first be examined. The Philippine Diaspora The Philippines, a former Spanish and American colony, has a uniquely globally-connected population. Approximately eight million Filipinos, or about 10% of the population of the country, are employed as workers in foreign countries as what are commonly referred to as “OFWs” (Overseas Filipino Workers). (Inquirer.net, 2008) New OFWs join the workforce at a rate of about 73,000 per month, or more than one million per year. (BSP, 2008) The majority of the workers are employed in the U.S., the U.K., Italy, and the Middle East, and work as doctors, nurses, construction workers, IT professionals, sailors, domestic workers, or entertainers. (Inquirer.net, 2008) With an actual unemployment rate of over 40% in the Philippines (National Statistics Office, 2008), the economic impact of the OFWs is considerable. In 2007, Filipinos working overseas sent over $14 billion through official remittance channels to support their families back home, plus as much as an additional $700 million through informal (i.e., non-taxed) means. (Inquirer.net, 2008) This amounted to about 10% of the country’s Gross Domestic Product (BSP, 2008), and if counted as an export, Philippine labour ranks as the country’s second-biggest product after electronic components. (National Statistics Office, 2008) Apart from the economic benefits the OFW phenomenon brings the Philippines, the large number of overseas workers encourages a transfer of global ideas and products. Not only the OFWs themselves, but the families they maintain close contacts with in their home country are exposed to many non-Filipino things. Conversely, the OFWs are kept up-to-date on what is happening back home, not only through their family contacts, but by way of international channels operated by both of the major Philippine TV networks, ABS-CBN, which produces the Pinoy Big Brother show, and rival network GMA-7. These two channels air the same programming shown in the Philippines, usually through cable networks in host countries. (ABS-CBN, 2008 and GMA, 2008) In addition, popular programs such as game shows are occasionally staged in foreign countries with large populations of expat Filipinos, such as the U.S. and the United Arab Emirates. (GMA, 2008) Through these different means, a large amount of Filipino pop culture and media is made available to different parts of the world. Filipinos and Celebrity It is difficult to overstate the importance of celebrity to the average Filipino. Media celebrities are revered and emulated to a high degree, and have traditionally been very successful in attaining political office. (Maniago, 2007) Former president Joseph Estrada was a well-known action movie star before entering politics; son Jinggoy, now a Senator, followed in his father’s footsteps in both respects. Ramon “Bong” Revilla, a former provincial governor, sometimes takes time out from his duties as a Senator to make the fantasy-action movies he is well-known for. Lito Lapid, another former action hero, held offices as a mayor and provincial governor before becoming a Senator. Senator Loren Legarda and Vice-President Noli de Castro were both popular newscasters. Popular movie actress Vilma Santos is the governor of Batangas Province. (GMA, 2008) Kris Aquino, the daughter of slain opposition hero Benigno Aquino and former president Corazon Aquino, took the path to stardom in the opposite direction, parlaying her part in one of the country’s political dynasties (two of her brothers are legislators) into a successful film and television career. (ABS-CBN, 2008) The dividing line between social leadership and cultural importance in the Philippines certainly seems very thin, if it exists at all. There are two reasons for this. The first is that celebrity is seen as a way out of the poverty that afflicts most of the nation. Some of the biggest stars, some of whom have gone on to important political positions, have come from humble backgrounds. Those who are most successful in either show business or politics or both have successfully used their own experiences to identify with the common people. (Maniago, 2007) The second reason is the high degree of penetration of television in Filipino households, which is partly attributed to the money flowing into the country from overseas workers. Approximately 96% of households in metropolitan Manila (an area with a population of approximately 15 million of the country’s estimated 87 million people) own at least one television set. In other urban areas in the country, the percentage is 85%, and throughout the remainder of the Philippines an estimated 71% of the people own or at least have access to a television. (AGB Neilsen, 2008 and Maniago, 2007) This is the setting in which the imported concept behind the Big Brother show is placed: a country with strong connections, on a very individual level, with the rest of the world, with a strong appreciation for celebrity and widespread access to media. The result is Pinoy Big Brother and its variants. Not copied as is from the rest of the world, and therefore not an example of globalism, and not entirely turned into something unrecognisable by its local market. Instead, it is a very good – if not in fact perfect – example of “glocalization.” In the following section how this specific program directly impacts the Filipino and how it is carefully crafted to project an image of the Philippines to the rest of the world will be examined. The Impact and Message of Pinoy Big Brother The format of Pinoy Big Brother, or “PBB” as it is popularly abbreviated, is virtually identical to the American show that inspired it. A group of participants – 14 in the currently-airing “Teen Edition” – is gathered in a house, where they will be obliged to remain for approximately three months. They are not allowed to leave the house until they are voted out (which is done by TV viewers by way of the internet or cell-phone text messages), or the show ends. The participants are not allowed cellular phones, computers, radios, televisions, or other communication means, and are given a strict budget for foods and personal luxury items beyond a basic supply provided by “Big Brother,” known as Kuya in the Filipino language. In order to earn a higher budget, occasional competitive activities are staged on an individual or team basis, with the winners being given prizes or additional funds to purchase things for their own use. (PBB, 2008) One or two contestants are voted off each week, until the last remaining resident of “Kuya’s House” is named the overall winner. And of course, while all this is going on, all the activities are being filmed and broadcast for the entertainment of the viewing public. The show is marketed as “reality TV,” which of course provokes a great deal of debate as to how realistic the participants and the situation in which they find themselves really are. The point, however, is not to present a literal reality, but to place contestants in circumstances to provoke realistic emotional responses. (Hirschorn, 2007) And for technical reasons, it is simply not possible to make a workable broadcast program of hours upon hours of video footage without considerable manipulation. ABS-CBN does not reveal details of the editing process, but as a typical example, the Australian version of Big Brother in its first season presented 70 hours of programming from over 182,000 hours of footage, and even live feeds, such as are offered to subscribers over the internet, typically operate on a 10-minute delay for editing purposes. (Sparks, 2007) So what is actually seen by the public is carefully managed. Another aspect of Pinoy Big Brother that is typically Filipino, and in another sense a departure from the notion of reality, is the instant celebrity status of any PBB participants. As a matter of course, participants that make it through the application process to appear on the show are signed to talent contracts with ABS-CBN, not only for the PBB show itself but afterwards. (ABS-CBN, 2008) As part of the program, the participants perform a number of public stage shows at different locations as promotional activities, where their song-and-dance talents can be displayed. (PBB, 2008) Winners of the show typically move on to greater exposure in the Philippine entertainment industry, while those who do not finish in the top spot often still find related work. Kim Chiu, the winner of the Teen Edition prior to the one currently on the air, has already recorded an album and appeared in several movies. Two non-winners from the same show were featured as dancers on popular game shows the very next day after the show’s grand finale in 2007. (Loving, 2007) This aspect of the celebrity power of PBB is evidence of the show’s glocalization because it differs from the normal Filipino reaction to popular forms of media from other parts of the world, particularly the U.S. American music, for example, is very popular in the Philippines, and it is the tendency of Filipinos when copying it to remain as faithful as possible to the original, even more so in some cases than the American artists themselves. (Adamu, 2006 quoting Appadurai, 1996) But rather than carefully reproduce a popular form of American entertainment in PBB, the Filipinos have changed it into their own unique form. The celebrity status of the participants and the contrived situation in which they are placed, wherein their interactions and activities are sifted from hours of video coverage to present a certain ideal program, still evokes powerful personal identification from viewers despite, as Appadurai said (1996:29), “the rest of their lives is not in complete synchrony with the referential world that first gave birth to these songs,” or in this case, a television program. The comments of one viewer, posted on no less an official website than the one operated by the Office of the President of the Philippines, are revealing: “Eversince the phenomenon of Pinoy Big Brother, I realized why I'm so proud to be "pinoy".... In the show, ordinary Filipinos live in a house and their lives are observed and watch everyday, their personalities and attitudes springs out as time flies, and eventually, the one who is true to herself/himself and projects to be a true pinoy becomes the winners.” (RP, 2006) This “Pinoy Pride” is the message that the show projects to the rest of the world, not only to the millions of Filipino viewers in different countries, but also to their hosts. The makeup of the cast of PBB is carefully crafted not only for their talents as entertainers, but to present an ideal representation of Filipinos. The current cast of 14 – seven boys and seven girls – range in age from 16 to 18, and represent a cross-section of Filipino society. Two are from the metropolitan Manila area, and also happen to be students at the two largest and best-known rival universities in the country, De La Salle and Ateneo. Three are from Davao, in the southern region of Mindanao, while six are from other areas of the country. The remaining three represent the international character of Filipinos, having been born in Spain, Italy, and Germany respectively. (PBB, 2008) They project what Filipinos like to see in themselves, and by extension, how they would like others to see them: that no matter how varied their origins within the wide milieu of the Philippine people, they are all wholesome, photogenic, and talented. Whether this is accurate or not is beside the point; the definition of “glocalization” describes usage and not effect. Pinoy Big Brother perfectly fits the definition of glocalization: A global idea that has undergone locally-appropriate alteration, but still retains its basic form and function, and furthermore still retains its global characteristics, being a medium to reconnect the local back to the global. Conclusion Pinoy Big Brother is not the only television show that can be said to be glocalized, nor is the Philippines the only country where such a process has happened. But having developed a workable definition of glocalization, we find that Pinoy Big Brother is perhaps one of the best examples of the process. On the face of things, Pinoy Big Brother is not so different than the U.S. version of the show that inspired it, and basic descriptions of the format of both shows are almost identical. But what makes Pinoy Big Brother glocalized rather than just simply a globalized program aired in the Philippines is how it has been adjusted to suit Filipino ideals of celebrity and entertainment. Those ideals, and the great value they place on celebrity, are shaped in part by the poverty of the country. This also has the additional effect of spreading Filipinos throughout the world in search of employment, exposing them to new cultures and ideas, but more importantly, through their close ties to their homeland, making it possible to share Filipino culture and ideas with the rest of the world. It is this bi-directional aspect of the culture that Pinoy Big Brother represents that makes it truly glocalized. Works Cited ABS-CBN. (2008) ABS-CBN [Internet], Manila, Philippines, ABS-CBN Broadcasting. Available from: [Accessed 20 April 2008] Adamu, Abdulla Uba. (2006) ‘Transglobal Media Flows and African Popular Culture: Revolution and Reaction In Muslim Hausa Popular Culture’. Mary Kingsley Zochonis lecture for the African Studies Association, UK Biennial Conference. School of African and Oriental Studies, University of London, 12 September 2006. AGB Neilsen Media Research Philippines. (2008) AGB Neilsen Media Research [Internet]. Available from: [Accessed 19 April 2008] Appadurai, Arjun. (1996) Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Big Brother. (2008) CBS [Internet]. New York, CBS. Available from: [Accessed 16 April 2008] Boyd, Danah. (2006) ‘G/localization: When Global Information and Local Interaction Collide’. O'Reilly Emerging Technology Conference, San Diego, California, 6 March 2006. [Internet] Available from: [Accessed 15 April 2008] CERFE, ed. (2003) ‘Glocalization: Research Study and Policy Recommendations’. Italy: The Glocal Forum. Elbo, Reylito A. H. (2007) Glocalization: Buzzword is euphemism for power. The Manila Times [Internet edition], 01 October 2007. Available from: [Accessed 16 April 2008] Forum. (2006) The Official Website of the Republic of the Philippines [Internet]. 28 June 2006 .Manila, Philippines, Republic of the Philippines (RP). Available from: [Accessed 27 April 2008] The Glocal Forum and CERFE (Centro di Ricerca e Documentazione Febbraio ’74). (2004) ‘The Glocalization Manifesto’ [Internet/PDF Document], Available from: [Accessed 13 April 2008] GMA Pinoy TV. (2008) GMA [Internet]. Manila, Philippines, GMA-7 Network. Available from: [Accessed 20 April 2008] Hirschorn, Michael. (2007) ‘The Case for Reality TV’ [Internet], May 2007. New York, The Atlantic Monthly. Available from: [Accessed 17 April 2008] Inquirer.net. (2008) ‘OFW remittances reach record $14.45B in 2007’ [Internet], 16 February 2008. Manila, Philippines, The Philippine Daily Inquirer. Available from: [Accessed 21 April 2008] Kumar, Sushil and Goel, Bharat. (2007) ‘Glocalization in Food and Agribusiness: Strategies of Adaptation to Local Needs and Demands’. International Food and Agribusiness Association, 2007 Conference paper. [Internet/PDF Document] Available from: [Accessed 12 April 2008] Labor Force Participation Rates (LFPR), Employment, Unemployment and Underemployment Rates, by Region: January 2008 (In Percent). (2008) National Statistics Office [Internet]. Quezon City, Philippines, National Statistics Office. Available from: [Accessed 23 April 2008] Loving, James. (2007) Video Beat – Bea Wins – Pinoy Big Brother. [Internet] 1 July 2007. Cambodia, National Radio. Available from: [Accessed 26 April 2008] Maniago, Elmina R. D. (2007) ‘Communication Variables Favoring Celebrity Candidates Becoming Politicians: A Case Study of the 1998 and 2004 Elections in the Philippines’. Southeast Asian Studies 44(4): 494-518. OF Remittances Hit US$14.4 Billion in 2007; Exceed Forecast by US$100 Million (Press Release). (2008) [Internet]. 15 February 2008. Manila, Philippines, Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP). Available from: [Accessed 22 April 2008] Pinoy Big Brother. (2008) Pinoy Big Brother [Internet]. Manila, Philippines, ABS-CBN Broadcasting. Available from: [Accessed 18 April 2008] Robyn Kass – Big Brother Casting (Interview). (2006) [Internet] Posted at JokersUpdates.com 5 April 2006. Available from: [Accessed 17 April 2008] Roll, Martin. (2005) Glocalization, global marketing, branding, Unilever, Hindustan Lever, Nokia. [Internet]. Singapore, Venture Republic. Available from: [Accessed 16 April 2008] Sharma, Chanchal K. (2008) ‘Emerging Dimensions of Decentralization Debate’. In: Menon, Sudha ed. Decentralized Local Governance: Global Perspectives. Hyderabad: ICFAI University Press. Sparks, Colin. (2007) ‘Reality TV: the Big Brother phenomenon’. International Socialism, 114 (April 2007). [Internet] Available from: [Accessed 25 April 2008] Stroupe, Craig. (2006) Glocalization [Internet], Duluth, Minnesota, University of Minnesota. Available from: [Accessed 14 April 2008] Van Zoonen, Liesbet and Aslama, Minna. (2006) ‘Understanding Big Brother: An Analysis of Current Research’. Javnost – The Public 13(2): 85-96. Read More