Youth Violence - Dissertation Example

?Running Head: YOUTH VIOLENCE Youth Violence Youth Violence Introduction Youth violence is a major problem in the Unites s. Former attorney general of the United States, Janet Reno, stated that youth violence was the greatest single crime problem in the United States (Kofi, 1996). Recent arrest data show that 2.14 million juveniles were arrested by law enforcement agencies in 2005 (Carr, 2008). These arrests covered the full range of crimes including, homicides, forcible rape, robbery and aggravated assault. Furthermore, youth accounted for one in every six arrests for all violent crimes in the United States (Snyder, 2000). Background Prior research suggests that an association between race and violent offending exists with racial minorities offending at a disproportional rate compared to Whites (Thornberry et al., 1998). Plausibly, this relation exists because racial minority peer groups mediate the race-violence relationship. Alternatively, because racial minorities tend to be among the population that is most impoverished, minorities may be more likely to be antagonistic due to their aversive social and economic conditions (Bernard, 1990). Ultimately, the influence of peer association and socioeconomic status could have a greater influence on Blacks than non-Blacks. Literature Review Relationship between Race and Violent Crime in Youths Several longitudinal delinquency studies examine the causes and correlates of youth delinquency. The Denver Youth Study used a sample of 1,527 boys and girls from high risk neighborhoods in Denver. These 1,527 boys and girls were a sample of 7, 9, 11, 13, and 15 year olds in 1987 (Huizinga, et al., 1998). The Denver Youth Study found that over a 5 year period (1987-91) most of the Black youths in the sample were in fact both victims and perpetrators of violent crime (Huizinga, et al., 1998). Loeber, et al. (1998) conducted research on 1,517 inner city boys from Pittsburgh in the Pittsburgh Youth Study. The sample consisted of first, fourth, and seventh graders from inner city Pittsburgh where 30 percent of sample were pre-screened students who exhibited especially disruptive behavior. The remaining 70 percent were a random sample selection of the remaining population. The Pittsburgh Youth Study found high levels of involvement in serious delinquency among its sample. No differences between Black and White boys were found at age 6, but differences gradually developed with prevalence of serious delinquency at age 16 reaching 27 percent for Blacks and 19 percent for Whites (Loeber, et al., 1998). Criminal violence is an enduring issue in urban America and this concern may not be equally serious for all communities. One of the more overt differences is between the violence levels of Blacks and Whites (Krivo & Peterson, 2000). Black violent offending has ranged from 6.2 to 9.5 times that of Whites over the past twenty years. Krivo and Peterson (2000) argued that one possibility for the racially differing rates of offending occurring is because the crime-generating processes are conditioned by the social situations of Blacks and Whites. Possible Mediators of the Race-Violence Relationship Socioeconomic Status Elliott (1994) with results from the longitudinal National Youth Survey posited that racial differences in violence varied across socioeconomic status, where employed Blacks and Whites had similar, continuous violent behavior in contrast to unemployed Blacks who were significantly more likely to behave more violently than unemployed Whites. It is certainly plausible that the nature of socioeconomic status has great influence on the violent behavior of people. Paschall, et al. (1998) found that impacts of socioeconomic disadvantage on violent behavior were clearly more profound for Black young adults than White young adults. Socioeconomic status could perhaps provide another explanation for differences in exposure to both violence and violent peers. Racial differences in violence may be a result of the lower socioeconomic status of African Americans. Peer Networks Aseltine (1995) found empirically that individuals are socialized into deviant forms of conduct through peer networks. Historically disadvantaged ethnic and racial minority youths might belong to networks that provide social support and comfort and simultaneously encourage problematic behaviors. Matza (1964) characterized deviant peer groups as subcultures in which members inaccurately perceive group support for unconventional behavior. This unconventional behavior for some places an importance on being courageous and presenting this image to others, particularly for lower status group members (Markowitz & Felson, 1998). Research suggests that African American peer networks are more likely to promote deviant and violent behavior than pro-social behavior because pro-social behavior does not yield positive resources (e.g. economic prosperity, social status, and acceptance) (Haynie & Payne, 2006). Social capital, which is a connection within or between social networks where members are inclined to actively reciprocate with one another, may also be important. Social capital is generated through the idea of social embeddedness, a concept that is defined as creating a two-way relationship where benefits are equally exchanged. Peers within social networks begin to occupy a central role in transmitting and modeling deviant and pro-social behavior, offering a potent context in which norms governing problematic behaviors may come to operate (Haynie & Payne, 2006; Haynie, Silver, & Teasdale, 2006). Agnew (1991) empirically found that youths interacting with peers engaged in serious delinquency saw significant increases in their own delinquency. Conversely, interaction among peers engaged in minor delinquency did not have any significant impact on youths' delinquency. This suggests that peer networks could have a unique influence on serious delinquency. Research has suggested that peer networks are more influential for some and less for others. With regard to race-violence associations, minority status does not imply a greater probability of embracing a subculture of violence (Agnew, 1991). However, Haynie and Payne's (2006) analysis of homogeneity and heterogeneity within peer networks has significant implications, which is that some races may be more susceptible to be influenced by the same level of delinquent peers. Haynie and Payne (2006) found that homogeneously Black peer networks increased the likelihood of violence. However, no significant effect was found for Whites, regardless of the homogeneity or heterogeneity of their peer networks. Thus, race appeared to play a central role in some peer networks, but not necessarily in others. In sum, it is plausible to suggest that the role played by peer networks could explain the relationship between race and violent behavior. Possible Interaction Influences on the Race-Violence Relationship Social and Neighborhood Disorganization Communities are believed to play a key role in nurturing their residents by providing values and morals youths need for positive growth and development. Empirical research supports the notion that the impact of social relationships on youths varies by type of relationship (e.g. familial, friendship, neighborhood) and type of community. For example, it has been found that disorganized communities (i.e., impoverished, un-policed, and un-supervised) negatively affect the ability of social relationships to reduce problematic behavior (Hoffman, 2003). When communities are socially disorganized, it is reasonable to believe that juveniles would be rendered susceptible to peers and situations that promote delinquency. Social disorganization research is built on the notion that well developed, local network structures (e.g., local police, neighbors, schools) reduce crime. Sampson and Wilson (1995) argue being isolated, both culturally and socially, combined with concentrated disadvantage, can create sub-cultural adaptations where problematic behaviors are tolerated or expected as a part of daily life. Being immersed in such a disorganized environment most likely would encourage youths to conform to the individuals who are also under these intense circumstances, particularly minorities who are much more likely to be victims of concentrated disadvantage. Under this situation, it could be posited that Black youths exposed to this concentrated disadvantage would be more susceptible to the influence of their peers. It has been suggested that disorganized communities have weak institutional controls that lead to unsupervised adolescent groups, in which delinquent traditions are culturally transmitted to younger peers from older peers (Matsueda & Anderson, 1998). McNulty and Bellair (2003) maintain that social disorganization perspectives suggest racial or ethnic differences in violence reflect the relative exposure of groups to inherent, criminally conducive conditions. A potential criminogenic structural condition could be the relative exposure of certain races to violent peer networks. The weakening controls of the community only serve to strengthen the potential influence of peer groups. If minorities are more likely to reside in socially disorganized communities where peer networks are much more influential, then a result could be that similar levels of differential association and economic disadvantage may have a much more profound impact on Blacks than Whites. Street Glamour, Discrimination, and the "Code of the Street" Although race may not have an independent causal influence, certain races have been found to differentially be exposed to disadvantaged circumstances that potentially could make similar levels of differential association more influential to certain races than others. Felson, et al. (2004) suggest that self-presentation or impression management is also an important aspect of social control. When individuals are attacked or wronged an aggressive retaliation may be expected as a means of saving face or maintaining "honor". Cairns, et al. (1988) similarly describe the idea of "social rejection" and the notion that fear of being rejected by your social network could motivate problematic behavior to remain a socially accepted member of the peer network. A popular theory of social rejection, Anderson's "Code of the Street" theory, pertains to the social environment of inner city Philadelphia youth. It suggests that a way in which youths can be rendered susceptible to peer influence is if mutual peers are engaging in a life that is perceived by other youths as glamorous or necessary. Anderson (1990) argues that the ghetto street culture can be glamorous and seductive to adolescents, promising its followers the chance of being "hip" and popular with certain "cool" peers who hang out on the streets. Street smart young people who operate in underground economies (e.g. drug trade, extortion, and street hustling) are apparently able to obtain large amounts of money more easily and glamorously than their elders. This street success may serve as the defining attribute of street role models for younger people (Anderson, 1990). Therefore youths who are immersed in such a context may be more susceptible to the influence of their older peers. In this context, delinquent peers could have a greater impact on Blacks than Whites. Lives of street-oriented youths are often marked by disorganization (Anderson, 1999). Further, street-oriented youths can be said at times to mount a coercive effort to keep their decent counterparts from "selling out". This occurs because street families live solely by a code of the street and actively socialize children to adhere to this code (Anderson, 1999; Stewart & Simons, 2006). Klein (1971) observed that problematic peers do not come together because they share interests or values, but because they share poverty, unhappy homes, and lack of acceptance. Anderson (1999) acknowledges that family characteristics, neighborhood context, and particularly racial discrimination, with its resulting perceptions of helplessness and despair, are significant predictors of the street code. Feelings of despair are likely to render juveniles susceptible to the negative influence of peers who share this same despair and provide some semblance of comfort and reassurance. Arguably, race and violence could be related in a context that suggests differential association could have a greater influence on Blacks than Whites in terms of violence. These social contexts arguably could make peer influence more magnified. It is important to note that an alternative to the interaction of race and differential association could be an interaction between socioeconomic status and race. Paschall, et al. (1998) found that impacts of violent behavior from being socio economically disadvantaged were clearly more profound for Black young adults than Whites. The strains of being economically disadvantaged could affect races in different, yet distinct ways that may create completely different behavioral responses. Arguably, an interaction of race and socioeconomic status could illustrate that similar levels of economic disadvantage could have more of an influence on Blacks than Whites in terms of fostering violent behavior. Summary The literature reviewed in this paper also suggests that an association between race and violent offending exists with racial minorities offending at a disproportional rate compared to Whites. The literature review also highlights the important influence of peer associations that may explain the disproportional rates of violence and crime that exist among racial groups. Youths form bonds and peer associations through forms of "social embeddedness" where they learn to behave in certain ways. Minority youths may become involved in negative peer networks because they lack informal social control or parental guidance. This lack of informal social control may derive from social disorganization and structural disadvantage of communities in which the youths reside. As a result, youths (minority youths in particular), may begin to glamorize and admire peers who present a facade of status in the neighborhood. This status is often achieved through illegitimate or delinquent means. Consequently, in order to survive in that environment it becomes necessary to conform to the dominant, albeit negative, ways which include engaging in violent behavior. References Agnew, R. (1991). The interactive effects of peer variables on delinquency. Criminology, 29(1), 47-72. Anderson, E. (1990). Streetwise: Race, Class, and Change in an Urban Community. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Aseltine, R.B. (1995). A reconsideration of parental and peer influences on adolescent deviance. Journal of Health and Social Behavior, 36(2), 103-121. Bernard, T.J. (1990). Angry aggression among truly disadvantage. Criminology, 28, 73-96. Cairns, R.B., Cairns, B.D., Neckerman, B.J., Gest, S.D., & Gariepy, J.L. (1988). Social networks and aggressive behavior: Peer support or peer rejection? Developmental Psychology, 24(6), 815-823. Carr, Patrick J. (2008) Delinquency and Violence. Encyclopedia of Interpersonal Violence. 2008. SAGE Publications. Elliott, D. (1994). Serious violent offenders: Onset, developmental course, and termination- The American Society of Criminology address. Criminology, 32, 1-21. Felson, RB., Liska, A.E., South, SJ., & McNulty, T.L. (2004). The subculture of violence and delinquency: Individual versus school context effects. Social Forces, 73(1), 155-173. Haynie, D.L. & Payne, D.C. (2006). Race, friendship networks, and delinquency. Criminology, 44(4), 775-805. Haynie, D.L., Silver, E., & Teasdale, B. (2006). Neighborhood characteristics, peer networks, and adolescent violence. Journal of Quantitative Criminology, 22, 147-169. Hoffman, J.P. (2003). A contextual analysis of differential association, social control, and strain theories of delinquency. Social Forces, 81 (3), 753-785. Huizinga, D., Weilier, A.W., Menard, S., Espiritu, R, & Esbensen, F. (1998). Some not so boring findings from Denver Youth Survey. Paper presented at American Society of Criminology meeting, Washington, DC. Klein, M. (1971). Street Gangs and Street Workers. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall. Kofi K. A. (1996). Outside looking in: an African perspective on American pluralistic society. Praeger Publishing. Krivo, L.J. & Peterson, R.D. (2000). The structural context of homicide: Accounting for racial differences in process. American Sociological Review, 65, 547-559. Loeber, R., Farrington, D.P., Stouthamer-Loeber, M., Moffitt, T., & Caspi, A. (1998). The development of male offending: Key findings from the first decade of the Pittsburgh youth study. Studies in Crime and Crime Prevention, 7, 141-172. Markowitz, F.E., & Felson, R.B. (1998). Social-demographic attitudes and violence. Criminology, 36(1), 117-138. Matsueda, R.L. & Anderson, K. (1998). The dynamics of delinquent peers and delinquent behavior. Criminology, 36(2), 269-308. Matza, D. (1964). Delinquency and Drift. New York: Wiley. McNulty, T.L. & Bellair, P.E. (2003). Explaining racial and ethnic differences in serious adolescent violent behavior. Criminology, 41 (3), 709-748. Paschall, MJ., Flewelling, R.L., & Ennett, S.T. (1998). Racial differences in violent Behavior among young adults: Moderating and confounding effects. Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency, 35(2), 148-165. Sampson, RJ. & Wilson, W.J. (1995). Toward a theory of race, crime, and urban inequality. In John Hagan and Ruth Peterson (eds.), Crime and Inequality. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Snyder, H. N. (2000). Juvenile arrests 1999. Juvenile Justice Bulletin, Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention, 1-12. Stewart, E.A. & Simons, R.L. (2006). Structure and culture in African American adolescent violence: A partial test of the "code of the street" thesis. Justice Quarterly, 23(1), 1-33. Thornberry, T.P., Krohn, M.D., Lizotte, A.J., Smith, C.A., & Porter, P.K. (1998, November). Taking stock: An overview of findings from the Rochester Youth development study. Paper presented at the American Society of Criminology meeting, Washington, DC. Read More