The Inherent Paradox of Garveys Black Nationalism - Research Paper Example

The Inherent Paradox of Garvey’s Black Nationalism The phenomenon known as Black Nationalism began at the end of the nineteenth century with the first expressions of black consciousness in America and took on a more formal shape with the activities of Marcus Garvey. Close analysis of black writings from this early period reveal, however, a great paradox in the way that Black Nationalism was pursued: much of the political and ideological discourse aims to promote freedom and cultural independence for black people and yet it used many of the underlying assumptions and political devices of colonialism. It is as if the movement known as “Garveyism” was blind to the consequences of its ideals outside the narrow aim of promoting the interests of one group of black people, namely those who are able and willing to migrate to Africa and engage in some kind of post-colonial “redemption” which will make good all the pain and suffering that black people endured in the past from slavery and discrimination. This paper examines three articles from the early twentieth century, all of which are written by black men, and which demonstrate this curious blindness to the colonialist ways and means that they have chosen for their movement. The first article, Marcus Garvey’s “Report of the UNIA Delegation to Liberia” of 1924 deals with the disappointment experienced when black leaders visited Liberia to view progress on the setting up of a new, non-colonial state for people of color. The gist of the article is outrage at the way a project very dear to black people has been usurped by the business interests of powerful white corporations. One of the most striking features is the way that Garvey urges his people to respond, in particular by resisting the “bullies” France and England : “It is either that somebody must take a man’s stand for what is right, or play the part of a coward in front of the bully.” (Garvey Report, 1924). This analogy clearly identifies assertiveness with masculinity, and suggests that the arena of international relations is like a physical battle between aggressive males, and those whom they manage to subdue. The only way to deal with such a situation is to use force against force, Garvey implies, and this replicates the very history that he is trying to escape. Alain Locke argues that Garvey’s report is a manifestation of the spirit of the New Negro, wherein a new brand of internationalism aimed to unite the scattered Negro population of the world (Locke 270). In addition, the strong opposition of the UNIA to the recurring pressures of colonial interest, especially in the acquisition of land for the economic activities of colonial powers, can be seen as another manifestation of the New Negro, wherein the American Negro, as represented by the Garvey as the leader of the UNIA, partakes in the future development and rehabilitation of the African homeland (Locke 270). That may be the reason why the UNIA has been reiterating its right in the colonization of Liberia, for a part of the New Negro; they would wish to lead an example in establishing a Negro homeland away from the restrictive conditions of colonial societies. In addition, this report also proves as a reflection of the growing aspirations of black economic nationalism (Dosset 119), wherein the UNIA would like to assert the economic independence of Liberia as part of its “redemption of Africa:” free from colonial economic interests and relying on black self-sufficiency. The second article to be analyzed in this paper is the speech of Marcus Garvey, dated August 28, 1924. This speech was actually addressed one day after the delegation of the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA—whom Marcus Garvey himself founded) reported their findings regarding the negotiations of their colonization of the republic of Liberia. In this speech, Garvey actually attacked the continued bullying of the colonial powers, especially in their interference of the affairs of the Republic of Liberia, considering their economic interests in the area. In fact, Garvey even asserts the fact that the common people of Liberia is suffering, while the leaders of the government continue to run it like their own family business: a principle against the very aim of the UNIA, which is the improvement of the Negro peoples across the world. According to Garvey, “The present government consists of a family arrangement. The President is brother-in-law to the Secretary of State, the Secretary of State is brother-in-law to the Attorney-General, the Attorney-General is brother-in-law to the other heads of departments, and so it is a family ring.” (Speech, 28th August, 1924). In this case, the group of Harvey Garvey, through the UNIA, is actually justifying their claim to colonize the Republic of Liberia by arguing that they are doing so for the improvement not just of the common Liberian people, but of all the negro people in the world in general. Garvey insists that the actions to be made by the UNIA, especially in their colonization of Liberia, would be more beneficial for the common Negro people than their own government would do, given their accommodation of the interests of the colonial powers. It is a paradox that Garvey does not appreciate the irony of a black organization which advocates enforced colonial-type action to resolve the problems of a small black nation. The local people of Liberia are instrumentalized because it is being proposed that their culture, their lands and their resources should be used as a means towards the greater good of other black people from across the world. A third article by William Sherrill, dated December 12, 1925, in the newspaper Negro World offers some further illumination on the ideological background to Garvey’s ideals and the concept of the “new negro.” This newspaper was actually the official paper of the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA), an organization founded by Marcus Garvey with the aim to improve the conditions of the Negro peoples worldwide, especially in light of their diaspora and their experiences under colonialism. The Negro World proved to be one of the most popular and widely-read papers that forwarded news and analysis on the current Negro people situation at that time. The focus of the article of Sherrill was on countering the propaganda of the mainstream media against Marcus Garvey, who at that time was sued due to “malicious, trumped-up charges” as Sherrill claims. According to Sherrill, the only purpose of this suit was to “repudiate the leadership of Marcus Garvey or in any way actively or passively endorse criticism of efforts made by him to carry out the program of the association” (Sherrill - December 12, 1925). In this case, Sherrill continues, destroying the leadership of Marcus Garvey would also mean attacking and destroying the UNIA itself, given that “The aggressiveness, ambition and ideals of this organization, the willingness manifested on the part of its followers to suffer, sacrifice and pay whatever price necessary for African Redemption are but indications of the spirit of Garvey breathed by Garvey into the souls of millions of black folks who believe in him.” (Sherrill, December 25, 1925) Once again the language reveals underlying acceptance of the use of force, since the term “aggressiveness” is intended to be read as a positive quality. Garvey and his supporters endeavoured to create a kind of group culture and identity that was a preliminary step towards the creation of a new Black Nation in Liberia that would incorporate black people who had been scattered across all the world. All three of these texts display attitudes which are patriarchal in the extreme, and they leave little or no space for the participation of women, or for members of a society which has a culture perceived as inferior to American negro culture, such as that of Liberia. In politics and education the likes of Garvey and Dubois are now remembered as leaders in the first few decades of the twentieth century. They are rightly recognised for their achievements in bringing important issues into focus and they paved the way for later struggles including both the civil rights movement and the black feminist movement. These and other women played a key role in communicating some of the ideas and objectives of Black Nationalism to the wider public. We only need to think of the impassioned speeches of Sojourner Truth or the newspaper journalism of Ida B Wells to appreciate how significant they were. The paradox of Garveyism is that it had admirable goals in the creation of the so-called “new negro” and the vision of a society free from old colonialist oppression, but in putting these ideas into practice with the Liberia project, they resorted to tactics borrowed from the colonialists themselves. These men were a product of their time, unable to contemplate modern concepts such as peaceful protest and gender equality, and their ventures in Africa were destined to falter due to this inherent paradox in their position. References Dosset, Kate. Bridging Race Divides: Black Nationalism, Feminism, and Integration in the United States, 1896-1935. Florida: University Press of Florida, 2008. Print. Locke, Alain. The New Negro: An Interpretation. New York: Albert and Charles Boni, 1925. Print. Garvey, Marcus. “Report of the UNIA Delegation to Liberia – August 27, 1924.” Available online at http://www.marcusgarvey.com/wmview.php?ArtID=390 Garvey, Marcus. “Speech of Marcus Garvey – August 28, 1924.” Available online at: : http://www.marcusgarvey.com/wmview.php?ArtID=401 Sharpley-Whiting, T.D. Negritude Women. Minnesota: University of Minnesota Press, 2002. Print. Sherrill, W. Article in the Negro Worl - December 12, 1925.” marcusgarvey.com. marcusgarvey.com, n.d. Web. 7 February 2011. Read More