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I found this interesting, especially when it is explained in post-ILH (interlanguage hypothesis) that L2 learners are capable of using their version of TL, where the utterances are assumed to be obtained from the same mental system used in learning TL that is outside NL-based TL learning. The interlanguage can help explain why NL transfer is not enough to show how SLA takes place.
TL phonology problems come from syntax and grammar differences between NL and TL, which impact how L2 learners read the TL. The more that the students relied on specific or multiple Arabic dialects to translate TL, the more difficult it seemed for them to understand TL. However, some students showed interlanguage in how they bridged NL and TL phonology without depending on NL or TL phonology. I noticed how interlanguage may be allowing these students to create a new mental system that goes outside NL and TL language structures. A universal language mental system can help explain how SLA happens when phonological variations are strong enough and certain sounds and syllables present in TL are not practiced in NL. Perhaps this is the way the human brain optimizes phonological domains through interlanguage strategies. It would be interesting to gather empirical evidence to back up the use of interlanguage strategies.
In Chapter 20, second language speech production’s importance in developing particular SLA skills is discussed through related language theories. Accented TL is an ongoing center of SLA study, especially as age and other social and biological factors affect it. I am interested in focusing on the validity of the Critical Period Hypothesis (CPH) for Arabic L2 learners. Though there are variations in age ranges, CPH argues that there is an age limit (from five to fifteen years old) in which students learn the native accent of TL. Some aspects of CPH are true, depending on different internal and external factors.
In my teaching experience, I did notice that many adult learners of English had difficulties in attaining native TL accents. On the one hand, young Arabic learners of English seem to be learning the TL accent better, probably because they have more time to do so. They may also be more exposed to American cultural products than adult Arabic learners. On the other hand, some adult Arabic learners were able to learn the native accent of TL. I observed that some of them are quite dedicated to perfecting TL speech production through constant practice and feedback. They have learner characteristics as dominant drivers of their SLA, which contest the validity of CPH in their group. I agree with the importance of learner motivation and individual characteristics in nullifying CPH. Moreover, group identity, a social factor, can also help explain why CPH works or does not work. A class of young Arabic learners who find it part of their identity to be competent English speakers reinforce learning habits through constant practice at home, in the neighborhood, and at school. Their social identity provides conducive learning attitudes and learning practices. The opposite effect can happen for a group that feels antagonistic against American culture. As a result, they do not mind not perfecting their native TL accent because it is not important to their group. Thus, social and individual factors can explain the weaknesses and strengths of CPH.
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