The Black Struggle for Voting Rights - Research Paper Example

The History of the Black Vote in the U.S.A. Introduction The struggle to gain the right to vote required and demanded the bravery of Blacks in a free movement, a reality that frequently creeps in the dusks of the bigger legends of achievements of Martin Luther King Jr. and those mostly involved in the civil rights movement. The voting rights movement was especially remarkable due to the perilous circumstances under which Blacks existed against a background of bonded slavery and peonage, a practice wherein Blacks were poorly compensated monetarily and were treated, in a way similar to slavery, by callous beating, killing, and other kinds of cruel hostility that continued unhindered in the 1960s (Walters 7). The way in which this peril was met builds the basis of current admiration for the struggle of Black vote—a struggle fuelled by the sacrifice of those who were murdered, beaten, or injured by a white supremacist attitude. This research paper discusses the history of the Black vote in the United States. The Black Struggle for Voting Rights Recognition that Blacks already voted prior to the Voting Rights Act of 1965 was presented in the famed Dred Scott resolution in 1856 wherein a Supreme Court dominated by Democrats stated that Blacks “had no rights which a white man was bound to respect; and that the Negro might justly and lawfully be reduced to slavery for his benefit” (Jaffa 286). Justice Benjamin Curtis, the only non-democrat, opposed that statement and showed a long documentary history to prove that numerous Blacks in the U.S. had frequently practiced citizens’ rights—that numerous Blacks during the American Revolution “possessed the franchise of [voters] on equal terms with other citizens” (Muhammad 17). States that guaranteed and safeguarded the rights of Blacks to vote in the 18th century were New York, New Hampshire, Maryland, and Delaware. Pennsylvania and Massachusetts also guaranteed the Blacks’ right to vote in their constitution. Indeed, a Black Republican, Robert Brown Elliott, asked in 1874 (Middleton 109): “When did Massachusetts sully her proud record by placing on her statute-book any law which admitted to the ballot the white man and shut out the black man? She has never done it; she will not do it.” Because of such legislations, early American cities had a larger number of Black voters than Whites; and when the suggested American Constitution was presented to the people in the latter part of the 18th century, it was approved by both White and Black voters in several states (Barton para 4). However, this is not to suggest that every Black was granted voting rights; free Blacks, excluding those in South Carolina, were allowed to vote but slaves were prohibited to exercise voting rights. But in several states this was insignificant, because many individuals and groups persevered to abolish slavery during the American Revolution (Fauntroy 62). Even though Britain had disallowed the eradication of slavery in the colonies prior to the Revolution, as autonomous states they had the power to abolish slavery, just like what happened in New York, New Hampshire, Vermont, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Massachusetts, and Pennsylvania. In addition, Blacks in numerous states were not only granted voting rights but also rights to participate in public affairs (Barton para 5). In Alabama, 99 Blacks were voted for the State Legislature, 127 Blacks for Louisiana’s Legislature, 50 Blacks for South Carolina’s, and 42 for Texas Legislature (Barton para 15). These Republican governing bodies acted immediately to guarantee and safeguard the right to vote for Blacks, ban segregation, and grant Blacks access to juries, law enforcement, public transportation, and so on. At a time when majority of southern Democrats had not yet approved the vow of fidelity to the U.S. and thus were not allowed to vote, they still tried to threaten and get in the way of the endorsement of Blacks’ voting rights (Fauntroy 49). For instance, the Democrats created the Ku Klux Klan in 1865 to remove Republicans from power and help Democrats take back control. Besides the use of threat and violence, southern Democrats also used illogical, meaningless provisions to restrict Blacks (Walters 15). 28 Blacks were voted for as Republicans in Georgia, but Democrats made a decision that although Blacks had voting rights in the state, they were prohibited to take part in public affairs or hold public office; hence the 28 elected Blacks were ousted. Due to these deliberate efforts to cancel out or abolish the provisions of the 14th Amendment, the 15th Amendment was endorsed by the Republican Congress to grant indisputable voting rights to Blacks (Barton para 17). As expected, no Democrat in Congress signed the 15th Amendment. From 1865 to 1877, during the period of Reconstruction, Republicans endorsed several federal civil rights legislations to safeguard the rights of Blacks. It was almost after a century that the subsequent civil rights legislation was endorsed, for Democrats reclaimed a certain level of power in Congress in 1876 and effectively stopped further developments (Fauntroy 82). While Democrats reclaimed power in southern State legislatures, they started to abolish civil rights guarantees in states and cancel active federal civil rights statutes. As stated by John Roy Lynch, a Black U.S. representative, “The opposition to civil rights in the South is confined almost exclusively to States under democratic control…” (Middleton 162) Finally, the Voting Rights Act of 1965 granted African Americans opportunities and rights that were deprived of them before. When the Republicans regained power, the legislations and rules long implemented by Democrats had at last ceased to exist. As a consequence, the population of African Americans occupying positions in state and federal legislatures expanded in 1965 to 1990 (Walters 17). The Voting Rights Act has been an integral and crucial aspect in the empowerment of Black voters, and thus it has contributed to the strengthening of the African-American struggle and persuaded several political leaders to join in the Black struggle toward equality. Even though it is illogical to assume that significant social change has taken place only due to the participation of African Americans in the electorate, the Voting Rights Act has remained an exceptionally powerful institutional tool, in the field of civic involvement, for those who would reinforce the continuous attempt of American society to achieve social justice and security (Walters 17-20). Sustaining and strengthening the Black political presence is the most important political mission until now, because this presence is the medium that becomes the ticket to bargaining. A major mistake in Black politics has been the belief that in exchange for the participation of African Americans in elections, Democrats would compensate Blacks with major legislations (Jaffa 104). But what is the connection between the participation of African American voters and the granting of major legislations? It is the capacity of Blacks to exercise control over its ballot through the possession and efficient use of the campaign assets that encourage voter participation. Conclusions If the resources for voter participation are owned and managed by Democrats, then the bargaining power is owned by party authorities rather than the African Americans themselves. However, if this is the case, then African Americans cannot exploit their political assets to dig out those policy benefits that rely on the need for their participation as voters. Because the vote of African Americans is presently a purpose of the resources given by others, instead of the African Americans themselves, their vote has been weakened in its influence. Boosting the influence of the Black vote by putting a stop to its disintegration is a specific task that the Voting Rights Acts was intended to accomplish. However, to accomplish the breadth of that mission, Blacks should wield more power over the voting process. Works Cited Barton, David. “The History of Black Voting Rights.” Wallbuilders.com. Free Republic, March 2003. Web. 16 June 2013. Fauntroy, Michael. Republicans and the Black Vote. Michigan: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2008. Print. Jaffa, Harry. A New Birth of Freedom: Abraham Lincoln and the Coming of the Civil War. New York: Rowman & Littlefield, 2004. Print. Middleton, Stephen. Black Congressmen During Reconstruction: A Documentary Sourcebook. Westport, CT: Greenwood Publishing Group, 2002. Print. Muhammad, Bilal. The African American Odyssey. New York: AuthorHouse, 2011. Print. Walters, Ronald. Freedom is Not Enough: Black Voters, Black Candidates, and American Presidential Politics. New York: Rowman & Littlefield, 2007. Print. Read More