Governing the Middle-Class Family in Urban China by M. Crabb - Literature review Example

ARTICLE REVIEW By Name Course Instructor Institution City/State Date Governing the middle-class family in urban China: educational reform and questions of choice – Review Introduction Crabb (2010) in her article “governing the middle-class family in urban China: educational reform and questions of choice,” analyses how reform practices along with discourses in education exhibit a shifting technique of China governance whereby the market has been theorised as a depoliticized precinct of freedom as well as autonomy. According to Crabb, individuals are coerced to decide based on what they consider as an ‘enterprise’. In Crabb article, freedom has not been theorised collectively from a want that is considered basic, as guaranteed in the Maoist epoch. Crabb article investigates the existing connection between Chinese educational reforms as well as the rising number of urban middle class families in regard to changing methods as well as modes of governance by means of the family. At the core of the generation of the Chinese urban middle class are novel family culture practices as well as forms, which are founded on the education’s market ideology. Crabb in her paper argues that the school choice practice and idea amongst families of urban middle-class is integral to the enfranchised Chinese consumerist dynamic whereby education transformation to a product that is supplied in the market is legal. Body Summary Basically, as argued in the article, Chinese system of education is exceedingly narrow and rigid for children of urban middle-class families, who are less prepared to study adequately hard so as to join highly ranked Chinese University. Hu Yao who is the focus of Crabb study was forced to move to junior middle school from primary School, hence joining a stage that was more competitive and vital for schooling. A number of schools have been considered for Hu Yao, which included international schools, private schools, and public schools that were offering English intensive programmes. In the midst of the middle-class families living in the cities such as Beijing that was knowledgeable to Crabb, largely ignored the modern-day aspect of family life: rather, an ordinary national decree was viewed as an important element for Chinese development. Akin to other nations, China is vulnerable to the various globalization processes, and this turned out to be more applicable when China has got accession to World Trade Organization enabling it to open its door to other countries across the globe. In managing the global capitalism issues, Crabb claim that approaches like socialization, commodification, marketization as well as privatization, are espoused for redefining the association between the market, the government, as well as not-for-profit organisations that take part in social policy delivery as well as sponsoring to decrease the problems of welfare initially endured by public enterprises. Thanks to national borders dissolution in addition to the increasing interconnectedness as well as interdependence of numerous nations, the issues from economic, political, and social context have more and more turned out to be multifaceted and also has led to concerns about successful and acceptable application the conventional government-focussed approach for resolving them. Critique Basically, the empirical information presented by Crabb is rooted only in observations and not experimental results. In the throes of refuting or accepting her premise, evidences are attached with suggestions which consequently results in a conclusion based on Crabb observations. Crabb main argument is based on the transformed environment of social mobility as well as child-rearing in urban China such as Beijing, an environment where education together with its credentials are supplied as market products, whereby parents are the consumers while children are the important figures for understanding middle-class urban modernity in China. I don’t agree with Crabb argument that education as a future investment squarely depends on the merging of private as well as public interests, because this has not been empirically supported. Besides that, Crabb has not empirically supported the argument that the rising urban China middle class families have an avid connection with education, and that this has been intensified through change in demographics attributed to one-child policy. Notably, Crabb study is biased because it concentrates only on middle-class families, and also for families staying in urban china like Beijing. She has supported some of her arguments with various previous scholarly literatures, but grasping the complex ideas presented in the study is not easy. Conclusion In a nutshell, Crabb has argued that decisions and life of families are within the official power workings and are also closely related to state agendas as well as policies. Crabb has successfully substantiated her argument that school choice practices amongst middle-class families in the urban China have commercialised education. Crabb claims in a setting that is progressively more globalised, no any contemporary government can completely evade from globalization problems. So as to pursue countrywide growth as well as survival, contemporary government must surrender a number of state autonomy in order to get a good position in the international marketplace. Riding over Socialism and global Capitalism: Changing Education Governance and Social Policy Paradigms in Post-Mao China – Review Introduction Mok (2005) in the article “Riding over Socialism and global Capitalism: Changing Education Governance and Social Policy Paradigms in Post-Mao China” seeks to investigate how leaders of the post-Mao era have transformed urban China’s social policy domain, in particular how new-fangled strategies of governance are implemented to offer, fund, and manage higher education. Mok examines how as well as whether introducing new strategies of governance in restructuring the sector offering high education has deteriorated the ability of the government in overseeing Chine social policy. It is argued in the article that the increase of non-governmental actors as well as sectors in delivery of public policy has resulted in a progressively more multifaceted set of government and society connections, particularly when contemporary states are more and more undertaking the responsibility of steering as well as coordination instead of command. Mok article endeavours to analyse how the higher education sector has been reformed by government of China through introduction of new governing strategies like increase in policy instruments as well as tools in addition to non-governmental sectors and actors’ diversification in delivering and funding higher education. Summary As stated by Mok, after promoting the vital social policy value changes, the leadership in the post-Mao era understand that the traditional social policy and welfare paradigm are unsuitable. At the moment, leaders from China have agreed with the philosophies that contemporary government must double up as an enabler as well as a facilitator in managing public policy, in view of the fact that the government of China have to formulate suitable regulatory structures that can be used to govern public and social policy. Citing a number of studies, Mok argues that public and social policy funding and distribution must rest with non-governmental sectors, and on the other hand the government is liable generating a safety net for helping the vulnerable and the needy persons. So, reform strategies together with practices that were used in the neo-liberal economies for changing the manner in which social policy as well as social welfare is handled, can also be adopted to reform the Chinese social policy sector. Although leaders in the post-Mao era have prickly feeling with privatization, the government on the other hand has managed to lessen social welfare and policy it offers. Government de-monopolization in the domain of social policy according to Mok has certainly made traditional practices of organized dependence as well as managerial paternalism less appropriate. The welfare benefits, which government employees received during the Mao era, are currently seen as burdens to the government. Therefore, to broaden higher education enrolment, Mok claims that a process of massification was initiated in China in 1990s. After the realisation that depending on government single-handedly can by no means meet the ever-increasing higher education demand, Mok posits that the government of China encouraged finance sources diversification. Mok further states that education has endured privatization and marketization processes, and as a result may face a number of implications such as: espousal of the educational the fee-paying principle; decrease in government regulation, subsidy as well as provision; revenue-steered curricula and courses reputation; focus on parent selection; as well as administrative strategy in management/administration of education. Critique Mok study evidently lacks empirical justification and this can be evidenced by his assertion that past strategies can successfully be used by contemporary governments in managing higher education. The article main argument is rooted in changing the governance of education together with models of social policy in post-Mao era in addition to improving the general efficiency of the economy of government enterprises. Mok fails to exhibit how refreshing the private sector or market role in distribution and funding of social policy can help leaders in the post-Mao use other non-governmental actors and sources to finance and provide social policy. Because of the insufficient experimental data, Mok study has failed to capture the important data on how implementation of new strategies of governance can help improve administration and management of higher education. But importantly, Mok has supported his arguments by citing a number of previous studies that were performed on the same topic. No biasness has materialised in this study, but the complexity of ideas presented make it hard for the reader to comprehend the main arguments. Conclusion To sum up, Mok study evidently illustrates that the government can strategically use the market together with other non-governmental sectors and actors as instruments of policy with the goal of reducing the government burden in education provision and funding. Importantly, the espousal of these policy tools can fortify the ability of the Chinese Government. To sum up, the study has met its objectives and has managed to exhibit how market economy capitalisation so as to hasten the public sector’s changes and reforms can help the government of China to meet its policy objectives more successfully. "Dancing in a Cage": Changing Autonomy in Chinese Higher Education – Review Introduction In their article “Dancing in a Cage: Changing Autonomy in Chinese Higher Education,” Yang, Vidovich and Currie (2007) investigates transformation of autonomy in two universities. The key objective of their study was to examine various Chines autonomy experiences for both academics and universities within their cultural intricacies. Therefore, some part of the article concentrates on case studies’ contextualisation in the wider scenario of Chinese higher education context. Besides that, the authors analyse how economic globalisation expansion as well as shifting international relations between Beijing government and other countries is impacting the autonomy, function, and objectives of academics and universities in China. Summary According to the article, the global repositioning of China is globally crucial considering that it is amongst the most populated countries and possibly the most powerful nation in the world. For many years, the higher education system in China has transformed numerous distinctive academic values based on its individual rationality with a small number of outside influences. According to the authors, the system of imperial examination together with the schools was important part of higher education in ancient China. Basically, circles of higher learning limited their knowledge distribution to province level and have since remained secluded. Given that such institutes did not have autonomy and liberal arts custom for making decisions about the directions they prefer, the authors posit that in the western sense, they were not recognised as universities. In this international policy context, it is not accepted that higher education be used as an instrument of getting a cohesive system of international knowledge. The ideological governance change towards principles of market in higher education has changed the manner through which institutions for higher learning are managed. Reference argues that, even though there is an improved managerial autonomy, the ever-increasing accountability as well as financial pressures is still limiting the ability of academics and universities to govern themselves. This is evident in universities at China, and while the country is moving to connect with other countries and improve its financial system so as to espouse principles of the market, China should also endeavour to make its universities world class. Consequently, this can considerably enable greater autonomy for a number of universities in China. The article’s main premise is rooted on the verity that autonomy of university may be protected and improved through diversification of bases funding the Chinese universities. Even though, liberation of one funding source can possibly improve autonomy, the authors posit that they can as well result in various forms of limitations when private funding is accepted by these institutions. In this case, the authors suggest that public universities must totally cut loose from state funding in order to create private institutions that can gain superior autonomy. A different aspect, which in the past facilitated substantial autonomy is the change from block grant or unstipulated financial support to targeted financial support that are inclined to heighten the dependence of higher education on governments; this may consequently result in more restraints on universities autonomy. Critique The authors used case study to justify the arguments they have presented in the study, and in this case the respondents selected were from two universities. To encourage background understanding for respondents in the two universities, the authors made contacts were made in advance. Biasness in this study emerges from the fact that it was conducted only on two universities located in the same region, as opposed to involving universities from other areas. So, it is hard to believe that authors got participants who are rich in information since all come from the same area. Furthermore, the interviews could have had a participant bias, whereby the participants just answered questions with baseless arguments. Carrying out an interview in an institution of higher learning is basically not easy, and even a well-trained moderator can experience subtle bias. The arguments presented in the study are clear-cut, and are easy to understand since they have been supported by scholarly evidence of previous studies that have been cited throughout the article. Conclusion To sum up, Yang, Vidovich and Currie (2007) want the reader to understand how a shift autonomy nature can lead to a superior procedural autonomy. In their argument, the authors claim that substantive autonomy narrowing can drive higher education so as to boost its effectiveness in globalisation context. Consequently, this has led to a form of controlled autonomy, which according to the authors is suggestive. The authors have successfully exhibited ways that can be used to change higher education autonomy in China in the contemporary globalised world. The article further exhibits the importance of autonomy in higher education, for Chinese universities. Subjectification and Education for Quality in China, Economy and Society – Review Introduction In his article, “Subjectification and Education for Quality in China, Economy and Society,” Kipnis (2011) investigated an instance where neoliberal notions that policy entrepreneurs expressed were not objectified in the midst of persons who the discourse was used on. In particular, Kipnis pays attention to schoolchildren subjectification, which according to him is bound by the learning practice and rhetoric of Chinese suzhi jiaoyu reforms, also known as education for quality. Kipnis during the study detects an inconsistent permutation of subjectifying practice and rhetoric in classrooms of China and concludes exhibits the hard task of differentiating the subjects forms generated in Chinese classrooms. Summary As pointed out by Kipnis, the main subjects in suzhi jiaoyu literature are the circumstance for substituting the education system that is based on memorization with systems that promotes reasoning as well as creativity. Kipnis further states that educational shows in Chinese television late in the 90s, lamented on the incapability of education system in China in producing entrepreneurs creative such as Microsoft’s Bill Gates. Although debatably not the same with regard to social principles, Kipnis posit that the neoliberalism and Jie’s political liberalism that stresses on financial self-control and entrepreneurship converge intends to nurture persons exercising inner autonomy in addition to the readiness of being responsible for their individual decisions. Both neoliberalism and Jie’s political liberalism advocate for analogous approaches of nurturing autonomy, which may be defined based on neoliberal governmentality. In case, the suzhi discourse are characterised as neoliberal governmentality, Kipnis posit that the totalitarian characteristics of suzhi discourse may materialise as present in proclivities, attitudes, as well as practices which are targeted for reform by these discourses. Counter to neoliberal requirements for civilian subjects thinking autonomously, entrepreneurial and tolerant to changes, Kipnis (2011) argue that the education purpose seems to generate a populace pursuing the paradigms suggested by the government indiscreetly. Even though individuals supporting education system that are less based on memorization are many, Kipnis indicate their unsuccessfulness in putting such reforms into practice subsequent to one decade of attempting. Hurdles to espousal of these reforms are discernible in both high-ranked governmental institutions as well as in the routine strategies of the population being governed. The inconsistent fusion of authoritarianism as well as liberalism in quality literature education subsists not only on the content being taught, but as well on how this content is being taught. Besides that, citing a number of literatures Kipnis indicate that scholars stress on flexible considerations, classrooms that are centred on children, as well as other classroom practices that are not authoritarian. Certainly, autonomous, self-directed subjects do not exist, and all social relations will consistently generate subjectivities, which according to Kipnis are social, relational, as well as interactive. Critique Evidently, Kipnis fails to justify how the flaws and the existing suzhi discourse gaps can result in change. Basically, with no scholarly evidence it is not easy for the reader to understand how the institutions of government at different societal levels may link disquiets by improving the quality of people so that they possess creative and entrepreneurial skills, in addition to ability to productively work and remain truthful to the nation. Besides that, Kipnis does not empirically indicate how central discourses are integrated to contradictory features, and moreover, which discourses can facilitate governmentalities dissemination. The study has been presented well, but it is not easy for the reader to highlight the main arguments presented by Kipnis, especially on the subjectification modes and methods for quality Chinese education. Even though the unambiguous inconsistencies between the liberal and authoritarian facets of education were evident to Kipnis while he was touring Shandong, he fails to make the reader understand the inconsistency because of lack of case study. Conclusion To sum up, Kipnis argue that Chinese university admittance has for decades been rooted in examination, but social pressures while competing in such exams have made homework reduction hard to put into practice. For this reason, it is apparent that subjectification societal-based processes impact delivery practices of education. For this reason, Kipnis suggest various methods that can be used to benefit all students, but mostly he suggests treating a classroom as a collectivity and this can be achieved through reinforcement instead of elimination of conventional educational practices. Bibliography Crabb, Mary W. "Governing the middle-class family in urban China: educational reform and questions of choice." Economy and Society 39, no. 7 (2010): 385-402. Kipnis, Andrew B. "Subjectification and education for quality in China." Economy and Society 40, no. 2 (2011): 289-306. Mok, Ka Ho. "Riding over Socialism and global Capitalism: Changing Education Governance and Social PolicyParadigms in Post-Mao China." Comparative Education 41, no. 2 (2005): 217-242. Yang, Rui, Lesley Vidovich, and Jan Currie. ""Dancing in a Cage": Changing Autonomy in Chinese Higher Education." Higher Education 54, no. 4 (2007): 575-592. Read More