Waiting for Macedonia by Ilka Thiessen - Essay Example

Waiting for Macedonia Waiting for Macedonia by Ilka Thiessen is a critical research that spanned from 1988 to 1996, mainly considering the way a group of young female engineers in Skopje, the Macedonian capital, who waded through the social and political changes that followed the declaration of Macedonian independence, resulting into ethnic tension and animosity because of disintegration of the Yugoslav republic. The author depicts the young female engineers to portray females in the wider population of rapidly changing political and social spheres as not merely receivers of change, as many researchers have placed them, but have been in the forefront to advocate and lead the changes with a remarkable impact upon the society (Thiessen, 16). The author largely presents a positive side of women in Mercedonia, as compared to the view of women in Bosnia, who are presented as peasantry and solely being in the context of marriage (Thiessen, 16). Thiessen tries to challenge the scholars and academicians who have carried out substantial research, yet have ignored the role of women as leaders in bringing about the required change in Macedonia. On the other hand, the film “Bosnia: we are all neighbors” is the manifestation of the breakdown of the neighborly relationships that existed in Bosnia between the Muslim majority and the Catholics, mostly the Croats. The film, therefore, addresses the mistrust and betrayal developing on religious grounds during the war in Bosnia, leading neighbors to rise against each other with the minority Bosnian Muslims being evicted by the Christians in this specific village. ( Bringa, 1995). The ethnically mixed village in central Bosnia was torn away by war in 1993, and the Muslims’ houses are portrayed to be desolate as a handful of the Muslims return after the effects of the war have subsided. Eventually, the film emerged from a critical research, where Bringa conducted 15 months of field research in the region in 1980s (Bringa, 1995). One aspect evident after the war period is the complete change of lives of the entire Bosnian population. A previously coexisting community of mixed cultures was torn in the middle by the war, where friends became enemies; the war divided even families (Bringa, 1995). It was difficult to go to work, and schools remained closed with children being sent away from homes to areas where parents felt they could be much safer than at home. The film presents total family breakups, as the reality of the war dawns on Bosnian people; the quiet village now has occasional bursts of bombs and gunshots. Men spend most of their time chopping wood, while many women are scared and just wait helplessly to the unfolding dramas. Surprisingly, the people in this region are eager and uncertain of the peace plans; they watch news eagerly and earnestly with growing hope of peace plans (Bringa, 1995). This means people are yearning for their once quiet life. Men cannot gather more than three at any public place; the former members of the Yugoslavian reserves have guns. The previously united and integrated Bosnia is now torn apart, and life is uncertain for as the reality of the war sinks deep. One aspect that contributes to formation of a unified Bosnian state made of different religious practices is the ideology of ‘brotherhood and unity’ and the ‘economic democracy myth’ (Admason and Jovic, 298). The intervention of the United Nations in managing the translation period in the Yugoslav states ensured majority inhabitants and authorities did not victimize the minorities, with all displaced persons being encouraged to return to their previous homes. Bringa (1995) illustrates the returning of the displaced people to be amidst heavy tensions where people were desperately trying to hold on the possibility of coexisting together despite the disturbing tensions and hatred that brewed during the war (Bringa, 1995). Despite the uneasiness, it was the international community that oversaw the resettling of all the displaced persons. This encouraged the victims to return to their previous homes, where aid organizations constructed houses for the returnees to facilitate the return process (Bringa, 1995). Secondly, it was necessary to improve the social scheme that had existed in the Republic of Yugoslavia through banning the totalitarian sentiments from the political, legal and social arena, and introducing a modern European market economy to replace the weak points of the socialism policies (Thiessen, 33). This ensured that no nation could end up with majority tribes alone. Civic Bosnia nation was, thus, advocated with inclusion of the minorities, such as the Serbs and Croats (Adamson and Jovic, 298). These constraints ensured the creation of a state with different nationalities and religions; with majority Bosnians being Muslims, the Catholics being Croats, as well as the orthodoxy Macedonians (Bringa, 1995). Life in Bosnia completely changed, as there was sporadic distribution of refugees; the non Muslims were the main victims with continued suspicion and hatred portrayed down the ethnic divide. The Bosnians favored the Muslims, with churches being restricted by the authorities while Muslims could construct their mosques in earnest (Bringa, 1995). Creating the state of Macedonia was not as hard as creating the state of Bosnia. Firstly, Macedonia had some degree of tolerance to other ethnic groups, in a deep feeling of nationality (Thiessen, 33). Many Macedonians were fearful on the onset of the break away, with most fearing loss of opportunities, though the reality dawned on them concerning having an independent life from the Yugoslav Republic (Thiessen, 33). Macedonia was, therefore, created out of a referendum held on September 9, 1991, and aimed at gaining sovereignty and independence. This was later followed by the adoption of the constitution in November 17, 1991 (Thiessen, 27). In April 8 1993, the republic of Macedonia was recognized and welcomed to join the UN. Though there were sporadic violence targeting the ethnic minorities, especially the Serbs, Macedonia had a rather smooth translation to statehood as compared to Bosnia. Comparing the Macedonian women with the Albanian women, Macedonians were more enlightened and educated. Education was important in Macedonia as it distinguished European countries from the Balkans which were mostly uncivilized (Thiessen, 34). Many people felt and recognized themselves with the Europeans, “I am Macedonian but I feel European” (Thiessen, 34). However, many of the Macedonian young professionals felt the state was better placed in Yugoslavia; people had better unity and identity. However, Macedonian women viewed the European woman as a model, and their strife in bringing about social change through education in the urban areas of Macedonia is a reflection of leadership in many European women. All the same, they still have some aspects of belonging, as most of their songs and styles except the clothing do not copy the west type of designs, in preference of style aspects to remind them of their Balkan roots (Thiessen, 52). The young women oppose a rural identity, though the solidarity created through the socialism regime makes them to have greater bonds. The opposition to the rural women is because the peasants had simply accepted a fate driven existence which most young girls in the urban region could not accept (Thiessen, 52). This makes a great difference between Macedonian and Albanian women, with Europeanized practices, such as abortion being legal, in this region (Thiessen, 66). The idea of lack of modernization, especially among the Albanian women, is blamed on the lack of integration of the Albanian women into workforce, making them to have high birth rates, which, in turn, leads to poverty. The urban women in Macedonia try to emulate the western women in the body figures, family styles, lifestyles and other general aspects, actively participating in the economic and political arenas. Religion in Macedonia and the entire Yugoslav states is largely viewed by many as being nationality. Nationality is the sense of belonging to a population where common values and beliefs are shared. Religion is all about beliefs and values. Muslims, Catholics, and the Orthodox have varying degree of beliefs and practices, with the differences between the Muslims and the Christians, which was the basis of the war. The breakaway of Bosnia, Macedonian, Kosovo and others was the result of ethnicity, which was blamed on unequal allocation of resources (Thiessen, 34). However, the war that followed portrayed ethnic divides mostly defined by religion between the Muslims, Christians and the Albanians (Bringa, 1995). Therefore, religion in both the film and the book is presented as the main factor that determines nationalities in these states. While Macedonia recognized itself with the Greek Orthodox whom they have major similarities, Bosnia portrays the war between ethnicity that was largely marked by religion, where the majority Muslim populations evicted the minority Croats who were mainly Catholics (Bringa, 1995). Religion in this case played a large role in defining the nationalities, as people of the same religion viewed the breakaway from Yugoslavia as a means to form a state with similar practices and beliefs. Religion plays a major role in defining nationalities in Macedonia. Being a Macedonian, Slav or Orthodox in Macedonia had a high feeling of nationality as the country recognizes itself with the Greek Orthodox (Thiessen, 59). Being an Albanian in Macedonia has no major effects as most of the Albanians were atheists, though a Muslim Albanian will feel segregated in the majority orthodox state. Likewise, being a Muslim in Bosnia represents a minority religion, in a place where religion supremacy was the main drive during the war. Catholics in Bosnia were a minority, and since they were part of the Christian population they experienced cases of discrimination, especially in building of churches (Bringa, 1995). This explains the history of Yugoslavia, which portrays the reason behind the break away to be religious rivalry; religion defined the nationality of people. This sense of belonging in ethnicity and religion was responsible for creating the current states religious background, judging from the Bosnia and Kosovo cases, where the minority Muslims was massively evicted. The Ottoman Empire and its spreading in Turkey and the European region resulted to the striking differences in religion between the Yugoslav states; with the Greece Orthodox having a considerable impact in the same region. Ethnicity and religion were the main determining factors in the breakaway of the Yugoslav states, the ethnic tensions and war that followed in states such as Macedonia and Bosnia. The majority Muslims or Christians perpetrated massive abuses against the minorities, which led to large numbers of displaced persons, with many others losing their lives. The harmony of coexistence between the multi-ethnic villages turned into hatred and suspicion, with the lives of many changing forever as a result. However, in Macedonia, a group of young women engineers broke the odds, and led the social and economic changes, which were so much required after the breakaway. The group represented a rich expertise base in Macedonia urban cities as compared to rural areas where the Balkan women were viewed as receivers of change. Due to increasing enlightenment, most Macedonians preferred to relate and to be recognized with the western culture, a sharp contrast between Bosnia and Macedonia. The religious differences in being predominant Christians, therefore, shaped political, social and economic dynamics in Macedonia. Work Cited Adamson, Kevion and Jovic Dejan. The Macedonian–Albanian political frontier: the re-articulation of post Yugoslav political identities. Nations and Nationalism, 10.3 (2004), 393-311. Print. Thiessen, Ilka. Waiting for Macedonia: identity in a changing world. Toronto: University of Toronto, 2007. Print. Bosnia: We are all neighbors. Dir. Bringa Tone. 1995. Film. Read More