Cultural Diversities in the Graying Population of the Caucasian American and Asian American Races - Research Paper Example

Running Head: CULTURAL DIVERSITIES Cultural Diversities in the “Graying Population” of the Caucasian American and Asian American Races School Abstract The varying trends in culture affect the manner the aging population is cared for within and across the cultural frameworks of any given society. It is therefore imperative to have an understanding of the ethnic diversities in elderly respect exhibitions. This study will provide insights into how the Caucasian Americans and Asian Americans provide care and respect for the elderly in their respective cultural contexts and will explore on the moral attributes of intergenerational relationships. While these two American lineages may be contradictory, they may however exhibit some cross-cultural similarities. Cultural Diversities in the “Graying Population” of the Caucasian American and Asian American Races The old age group is culturally diversified in contextual aspects, such as race, mores, gender, health, religion, and socio-economic status. The United States of America is a home to all races, religion and culture. It is populated by immigrating groups in quest of religious freedom, economic prospects or political protection, and by minority people who were victims of war and slavery (Adams & Ekerdt, 2002). Identified by the U.S. Bureau of Census (2000) are the five diverse racial groups—Caucasian Americans, Asian Americans, African Americans, Native Americans, and Hispanic/Latino Americans. The highest rising and the most diverse race in the U.S. are the Asian Americans, with more than 40 ethnic groups of over a hundred languages/dialects. In 1960, Asian Americans were estimated at 1 million or 0.5% of the entire US population. Four decades after, they were estimated to be 10,242,998 or 3.7% of the populace. By 2025, the U.S. Census Bureau projected 100% increase. Around 70% of Asian Americans are not born in the U.S., and Asian immigrants comprise 2.6% of the total US population (Kramer, Kwong, Lee & Chung, 2002). The Caucasian Americans, also called European Americans, or White Americans, are the largest but slowest growing group with the lowest poverty rate (“United States of America: Poverty and Wealth,” 2010), which began arriving after the Revolutionary War in the 1800s. In 1996, the Caucasian American group comprised 75% of the U.S. population and projected to be roughly 53% of the total U.S. population by 2050 due to its declining size (Day, 1996). The more the population of the U.S is “graying,” the more it becomes culturally diversified. With the multiplicity of races residing in the nation, the government is faced with issues on employment and sustained income, adequate supply of goods, preservation of socioeconomic status, retirement benefits, and old-age care and services for the elderly (Adams & Ekerdt, 2002). The Elderly Population in the U.S. According to Hetzel and Smith (2001), there are 35 million people, aged 65 and older, belonging to the elderly population. Today, the elderly group is 12% of the total U.S. population and is expected to rise by 8% or 69.4 million in 20 years. Records from the 2000 U.S. Census Bureau show that the Asian American elderly group rose by 76% from 1990 to 2000; and from 2000 to 2025, it is estimated a growth of around 250%. The Caucasian American elderly group, from 74 % in 1995 is expected to be 53 % by 2050 (U.S. Census Bureau, 2000). The growing percentage of older adults comes from minority populations, with the Hispanics as the biggest contributor. Today, there are 1.9 million elderly Hispanic Americans and in forty years is estimated at 13 million. Minority groups in the U.S comprise a larger portion of the population because of their higher fertility rates than the whites (Adams & Ekerdt, 2002). Living Arrangements Majority of the elderly group in the U.S. under 85 years old are married and living in the same household as the spouse. The elderly people value independence, especially the whites of Caucasian descent who have strong preferential for living independently in a separate household from their children. Widowed and divorced elders choose to continue living alone provided that their health and finances are capable. Some elders, particularly the Asian Americans who value familism, may prefer to live with their children. The choice of elders’ living arrangements may depend on variables, such as finances, family values, health, and race. Elders aged 70 and over, belonging to the minority groups are 1.5 times more capacitated to perform basic daily activities than their white counterparts (“Trends in the Elderly Population,” 2010). America’s aged population with difficulty in performing daily activities has wide options in housing. Assisted communities, shared housing, and supported housing are facilities for U.S. elders equipped with devices to help in the performance of instrumental daily activities (Schafer, 1999). Elders with difficulties in ADLs (activities of daily living) may principally need help from the family. However, housing assistance and services are likewise available and mostly preferred by Caucasian Americans than Asian Americans. Some Asians are restrained by their racial and cultural traditions (“Trends in the Elderly Population,” 2010). Familial Values of Asian Americans Some Asian Americans are guided by principles of Confucian teachings of filial piety (Lew, 1995; Choi, 2001; Sung, 1995). Filial piety is the younger generation’s appreciation of the care and assistance given by the elderly family members, which should be reciprocally given back to the elders. This practice is deeply instilled in the Asian family culture through filial duties, debt repayment, and love for parents and grandparents (Chee & Levkoff, 2001). Symbolic expressions of respect for the aged generation can often be observed in Asian Americans than in Caucasians. The Koreans, for example: Korean adults prefer living with their parents, spending time with them, serving them meals, making their beds, celebrating special occasions with them, and having fun together (Sung, 2004). The traditional elderly Asian Americans have authority over family matters and financial decisions. They expect their grown children to move in with them and care for them. They do not value independence like Caucasian Americans do (Kramer et al, 2002). Asian Americans have high regard for the elderly. Elders are cared for, revered, and honored. Not all Asian Americans have similar ways of showing elderly veneration. Particularly the Chinese, grandparents are expected to take care of their grandchildren, and in the same manner, the grown children and grandchildren take full responsibility to care for their elders. Japanese Americans prefer not to live with their children; The Korean and Vietnamese Americans prefer to share the same household with their elders. For Asian Americans, strong family ties are a well-kept tradition and should be handed down from generation to generation (Kramer et al, 2002). Whereas the Asians, up to now, still value high reverence for the family, their White counterparts seem to have eroded their family values (Liu & Kendig, 2000). Caucasian American Values: Individualism and Independence Caucasian Americans have a propensity for individualism and independence. Being individualists, Caucasians believe that the individual self is the sole center of society and that society does not exist unless it will assist personal goal achievement. They focus on individual welfare rather than societal welfare. Protestant principles and morals shaped the political, cultural and social life of Caucasians. Independence, autonomy, and supremacy over nature, time, and social relationships were intrinsic in Caucasian individuals. Values for gender impartiality and equal opportunity for all people of color were likewise noted in this group. The Caucasians’ work dedication, professionalism, and optimism were essential in attaining self-worth, power and status. All these values represent the Caucasian Americans as being the “dominant culture” (Johnson, 2002). End-of-Life Issues Culture can be influential to end-of-life and death and dying issues, especially when it comes to seeking assistance for the aged groups (Braun, Pietsch & Blanchette, 2000). Even while Asians have been residing in the U.S for a long duration, some have not been acculturated to the White people’s logical and realistic practices. Asians have strong adherence to their accustomed spiritual and cultural values. Some believe in “karma” and reincarnation of the ancestral souls. This Asian belief may cause delayed medical attention and thus may lead to more complex situations. A Buddhist perceives that a hospital is not a place of rest for souls of dead patients. It is, as Buddhists believe, a place where lost souls flock and disturb the living (Yee, n.d.). Donation of body organs is frowned upon by Asians. The notion of keeping the body intact for being reborn again in the next life is important. Organ donation may mean disrespect and lack of filial piety toward the elders (Nakasone, 2000). However, the Vietnamese may consent to organ donation in exchange for monetary compensations or if the organ is donated to a family member (Yee, n.d.). Conversations on end-of-life matters are upsetting and shocking to Asian families. Physicians are likewise confronted by the remarkable diversified cultures of both the minority and dominant groups (McGoldrick, Giordano & Pearce, 1996). When compared with Caucasians, Asians demonstrate more flexibility in their alternatives (Blackhall, Murphy, Frank, Michel & Azen, 1995). Hispanics, Chinese, and Pakistanis prefer to protect their elders by not disclosing health conditions to elderly patients. In the United States, this protection may include deliberately not translating diagnosis and treatment information to patients. For some Asians, direct disclosure to their loved ones of their terminal illness may be perceived as cruelty to elders/patients. Some Caucasians may perceive it as brutality and lack of respect (Kaufert & Putsch, 1997). Because elderly patients are defenseless, the emotional effect to news of their poor physical condition may be openly harmful to their health and may erode their hopes on possible recovery. Elders who are already suffering from illness and weakness should not be burdened with feelings of depression (Matsumura, Bito, Liu, Kahn, Fukuhara, Kagawa-Singer, et al. 2002). This is the main concern of Asians on the disrespect for the aging members of the family. Whereas Caucasians do not approve of dying patients going through pointless agonies, Asians are inclined to request for other medical options to prolong the life of loved ones and treasure the remaining moments spent with them. For Asians, treatment of elderly family members is always guided on principles of filial piety (Searight & Gafford, 2005). Barriers to Assistance In the U.S., as part of elderly health care, Western families use palliative care and hospice care for the management of sickness at end of life. Each elderly patient is given a customized treatment for specific needs and offered physical support, emotional security and spiritual enhancement for their wellbeing (Yee, n.d.). As always the case, minority groups are confronted with dilemmas in seeking assistance for their elderly members. These elders have less access to nursing homes and facilities with assistive features, such as railings and appropriately-designed bathrooms for elders; and have fewer sources of income to finance health care and assistive services (Schoeni, Freedman, & Martin, 2004). Minority elders, such as the Asians tend to seek assistance from others for the use of assistive technology; unlike Caucasians who are more independent and educated (Freedman, Martin, Cornman, Agree, & Schoeni, 2008). The declining cultural and socioeconomic disproportions in the occurrence of disability among elders, plus the availability of more affordable and accessible elderly care and assistive equipment will aid in decreasing the damaging impact of the “graying” population on productivity in the labor sector (Fustos, 2010). Other barriers to receiving elderly assistance are cultural in nature: language, level of acculturation, family issues, health beliefs and occupational concerns, Elderly Asians usually do not have adequate knowledge of the English language and the American Culture. It would normally take more than 30 years for an immigrant to get acculturated to the Western life, give up their out-dated, old-fashioned care and accept the more advanced medical care from the westerners. This deficiency in the western language makes Asian elders even more reliant on young family members for daily survival and support (Yee, 1997). Access to previous jobs is a major occupational issue confronted by Asians. This is compounded by language or license authentication concerns. Without any other options, Asians are forced to do blue-collar jobs with below average salaries. In some cases, women are high-earners than men, thus affecting familial obligations and expectations (Ferran, Tracy, Gany, & Kramer, 1999). Caucasians have more accessibility to elderly health care services than Asians. Some Asians may even suffer silently in pain than be seen by a medical practitioner (Kuo and Porter, 1997). Generally, Caucasians are not believers of any health myth. False interpretations of illness may aggravate the elder’s condition and may postpone the needed management (Yee, n.d.). Net Worth and Wealth Status for the Elderly Net worth of an elderly is determinable by the number of acquired assets. Race, gender, number of family members, marital status, savings and checking accounts, bonds, investments, stocks, real estate, certificates of deposit, and human capital, such as education, occupation and number of hours worked, will determine an elder’s economic well being (Ozawa & Tseng, 2000). Ozawa and Tseng (2000), wrote in the June Issue of Social Work Research, stated that educational attainment, employment and overall earnings are the fundamentals of net worth computation of the Whites (Ozawa & Tseng, 2000). It is not, however determined by social security benefits received but by profits from assets, private pensions, and all financial properties that produce revenues (Ozawa, 1997). An elder’s big net worth means uplift in economic status (Ozawa & Tseng, 2000). In terms of household wages, Asian Americans rank higher than Caucasian Americans, on the other hand, it is questionable why such big income does not turn to wealth. Caucasian Americans turn out to be wealthier and financially-able than Asian Americans. Even with the Asians’ large income of household, Asians incur more debts through housing loans and credit cards, than Caucasians. The cultural gap between Asian Americans and Caucasian Americans is noticeable in their net worth and wealth status. Regardless of how elevated is the Asian American’s socioeconomic status, still, they experience hindrances to accrual of wealth as compared to Caucasian Americans who rank first in wealth status in the U.S. (Ong & Patraporn, 2002). Conclusion The United States of America is a land to all, open to all people with varied cultural frameworks. Diversities in culture can present challenges not only for the elderly and their families but likewise for provisions of elderly care. It is therefore imperative to determine primarily the disparities in the aging process, specific needs and the elder’s preferentials. People of unlike colors may react and adapt differently to the challenges of the aging process along with the experiences that come with it. Americans of Asian and Caucasian origins may share the same value for reverence for the older members of their societies, but the degree to which elders are valued, cared for and respected may differ by their cultural perspectives and practices. Religion, culture, family values and the level of acculturation could influence how the younger generation will exhibit veneration for the older generation. Looking ahead, the younger groups of Asian Americans and Caucasian Americans may probably disrupt and modify their accustomed ways of elderly respect. As mentioned in the paper, it would take more than three decades for immigrants to fully adapt to the western lifestyle and culture. Will the younger generation continue to uphold their race’s practice on elderly respect? It is now in the hands of the “graying” generation to instill this value. 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