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The Zapotec Woman - Essay Example

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This essay "The Zapotec Woman" is about an ethnography done by Lynn Stephen. The ethnography explores the intersection of gender, indigenous ethnicity, and class in southern Mexico. It provides a detailed analysis of the stereotypically strong Zapotec woman…
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The Zapotec Woman
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The Zapotec Woman: Ethnographic Review Zapotec Woman is an ethnography done by Lynn Stephen. The ethnography explores the intersection of gender, indigenous ethnicity and class in southern Mexico. It provides a detailed analysis of the stereotypically strong Zapotec woman. The article seeks to provide a unique view of the Zapotec community with regards to the textile industry. The community is shown to be balancing a rapidly advancing future with an entrenched past deeply rooted in indigenous culture (Lynn 14). This paper is a review of this ethnography. The author undertook the research in mid 1980’s. She travelled extensively in the region, gathering as much information about the community. The women merchants and weavers collaborated with Lynn on the research. The town of focus was Teotitlan in Oaxaca. The ethnography seeks to elaborate how the Zapotec woman has adapted to the oppressive nature of the society, and transformed to a politically and economically minded person (Lynn 3). The economic advancements have also brought about classes within the community by causing economical and societal divisions. Lynn explores ethnicity and class among the Zapotec people utilizing the views of women. From the Zapotec perspective, the construction of ethnicity has two dimensions. These include external and internal version of ethnic identity. External ethnic identity is formulated for consumption by outsiders. This is the external face shown to consumers and tourists. It emphasizes on solidarity of the community and a common claim that their women are the originators of the treadle loom weaving in Oaxaca. The internal version emphasizes participation in cultural institutions and a common language. It is the internal face and is only accessible to people who belong to the community (Lynn 18). The Zapotec have created their own culture which incorporates aspects of Indian and Spanish heritage. Ethnicity is one of the key elements when it comes to the global textile market. Commercial success of the Zapotec textile industry depends on the creation of an identity. The identity of the Zapotec women weavers must appear to be indigenous, traditional and simple. This has led to the attraction of the international market. This is attributed to the fact that people in the textile industry demand authenticity in their goods. The identity created by the Zapotec is unique. However, Teotitlan weavers use technology brought about by the Spanish. This represents integration of Spanish heritage among the Zapotec traditions (Lynn 23). Hence, one can integrate traditional rituals and new technology so as generate better products. Many of Oaxaca’s textile middlemen and producers hail from Teotitlan (Lynn 35). Most of the weavers in these regions are shown to be on a contract basis. This implies that they produce textiles for intermediary brokers. These contract workers are often underpaid. This has led to the formation of cooperatives so as to market their textile products directly to the international market. These are the independent workers. There is a marked difference in the social-economic status of these two. The other issue explored in the ethnography is gender, kinship and globalization. Authority can be classified into two: respect and ritual (Lynn 47). A woman merits respect because of the type of relationship that she forges and because of the way she behaves towards the other in this relationship. Respect determines the ability of a person to hold influence and authority. It is gained by community participation, virtue and increasing age. On the other hand, ritual authority is dependent on kinship ties. Ritual kinship binds the Zapotec weaving women and the merchant in a lifelong relationship. This has led to economic exchanges characterized by interest free loans of goods, labor and cash. This further fosters economic empowerment among the Zapotec woman. The ethnography then recollects the stories of six Zapotec women (Lynn 63). One of them is Julia. She was born in 1929 and never attended school. She offers a case study where a woman transitions from a weaver to a merchant. Merchant women control resources and labor but do not engage in active decision making. The other story is of Christina, who was born in 1910. Hers is a case of woman stuck in poverty. This is because she lacks the skills to make quality pieces in the textile industry. Her story depicts a woman trapped in culture shifts from rituals. The other woman is Angela who was born in 1946. She is a household merchant who is still oppressed. Another story is that of Alicia. She is married into a poor family which relies on the combination of migratory and weaving work. She was denied education but has since educated her daughter (Lynn 68). Isabel is another woman, born in 1982 and is more educated than women of previous generations. She is more independent and believes that ritual celebrations bring about conflict in the community. She is worried by the fact that many women are reliant on the weaving sector for their economic gains. She points out that weaving creates stratification in the community. The story of these six women is important in understanding the Zapotec woman. Many women are shown to have experienced hardships in their upbringing. However, this does not suppress the will of the women. The women emerge as hard workers, who are determined to alter their future into one full of hope. Most of these women were excluded from education. However, this does not deter them from fulfilling their dreams of success. The women have started to educate their daughters. This means that each successive generation is becoming less burdened by the oppressive rituals and tradition (Lynn 78). The ethnography then focuses on Teotitlan women. Teotitlan is an indigenous Zapotec community. Elements of the rituals of Zapotec people are omnipresent in this community. Everyone in the community is noted to be busy as evidenced by a bustling market place. Despite this hard work, it is among the poorest place in Mexico. Most of the labor force is employed in agricultural work. However, this trend is reducing as the Mexican government is putting more land in non private status. The author notes that the Zapotec are the most widely documented ethnic group (Lynn 112). Weaving among the Zapotec is depicted as being in the fast lane. The community has been weaving textiles for more than 2,000 years (Lynn 147). This traditional weaving has evolved to a world famous enterprise. This has established respect among the Zapotecs globally. The Zapotec treadle loom industry is a well known artisanal tradition. Weavers produce handmade woolen textiles for export or sale in the local tourism market. These goods are cheaper relative to textiles from most countries. This has attracted the international market. The indigenous aspects of these textiles are a strong attraction to the global world. However, it has led to societal segmentations. This is through causing social and economic inequality among the communities. Nonetheless, the community is described as being successful. The Zapotec community shows that development dependent on an indigenous community can bring economic power and success. With regards to social and economic inequality, the benefits of the Teotitlan’s market prosperity are not shared in an equal. This inequality is seen both in and out of the community. This has led to the generation of classes. The market prosperity is concentrated among the middlemen and women, merchants and independent producers with artistic and managerial skills. This trade creates three classes of producers. These include the independent weavers, merchants and contract weavers. There are obvious differences in economic status and social rank among these three classes. This creates a barrier to the overall community’s economic growth and increases social and economic inequalities. The merchants and the weavers have different ways of dealing with pertinent issues. The merchants seek political influence by using their wealth. On the other hand, the weavers use kin-related groups and cooperatives to ensure political and economic influence. Most of the Zapotec women fall under the latter group (Lynn 172). The lives of women merchants and weavers have had to change in response to the increased demand for Oaxacan textiles. Women have formed weaving cooperatives as a strategy to increase their economic gain from the industry (Lynn 282). These cooperatives have also had an impact in gaining cultural and political rights of women. The Zapotec woman initial political participation is not via formal institutions but through channels, networks and events. The events referred to are those that are associated with increased social reproduction (Lynn 282). Many of these cooperatives are related through kinship. It is worth noting that in the colonial period, Zapotec women were instrumental in colonial uprisings. They have since emerged as strong public figures, and this is attributed to weaving. Zapotec women have gone ahead to occupy posts initially held by men (Lynn 286). They have gone ahead to execute these jobs in a manner that rivals the men. The women cooperatives have brought attention to the women’s ability to sell and produce artistic products. So as to address a problem in the weaving sector, they engage in talks at fiestas, at the community well, at the market and advocate for a plan to tackle the problem. Most of this group talks are comprised of kin-based networks. Therefore, ties within the community are important in uniting people for a common purpose. The cooperatives also have meaningful and important opinions in diverse public discussion issues. Consequently, they have empowered women politically. With this regards, there is a changing basis of respect and authority in the community. Mexican peasant women have now been able to engage in the political arena (Lynn 287). Compared to other cultures within the same region, the Zapotec women experience more public recognition for their roles. They are able to provide more of the capital and labor which maintains the ritual system. The ethnography has helped me to understand the importance of adapting to the present circumstances. The Zapotec woman has learnt to adapt in an oppressive society. In the past, girls were not educated. However, this has changed, and women are increasingly educating their daughters. They have forged associations that help them to break away from these oppressive rituals and tradition. This has led to their success in the previously harsh society. They have become more enlightened in terms of politics and economics. The importance of forming associations and groups with a common interest is clearly illustrated by these women. It is easier to transform the societal way of thinking as a group. Another key element learnt is the importance of authenticity. The Zapotec have a distinct indigenous identity which they apply to their products. The ethnography also shows the deleterious effects that can result from stratification of the society. When a society is stratified into classes, there is retarded economic and social growth. Nevertheless, the author gives a solution of how the problem can be tackled. This is as evidenced by the class of weavers who formed cooperatives so as to bypass the merchants and middlemen. The author does a perfect job in analyzing the intersection of gender, class and ethnicity. She situates the women’s independence, which is forged in their daily life. She puts up a compelling analysis which illuminates gender, ethnic and class relations that are contingent and unexpected. This leads to the appreciation of individual lives within the context of global transformation. One can relate easily to the culture of the Zapotec women. From time immemorial, people have forged relationships so as to better their quality of life. Cooperation between people with common grounds has for long been used to address oppressive issues. These are in no way different from the cooperatives of the Zapotec women. Women in our society have also fought for their rights. Many have indulged themselves into politics. Most are economically minded. Women in our society want a successful future for the successive generation. They place importance in the education of their children. This is comparable to the Zapotec women. Women also hold key political slots, previously held by men. This has encouraged other women and brought about emancipation from oppressive attributes of the society. Women will formally push so as to be included in the government structure. Nevertheless, they will still continue to use institutions of social reproduction so as to ensure a basis for defining their culture. In conclusion, understanding the culture of the Zapotec women is instrumental in the evolvement of the role of women in society. Women and other groups can use the same principles in order to make certain that their rights are not ignored. Formation of activist groups can help to address various issues in society. In these instances, unity is imperative. In terms of social stratification, hence classes, the minor class can employ cooperatives and other organizations so as to override this stratification. There is also a need to embrace newer technology and methods as demonstrated by the Zapotec weavers. Most use technology introduced to them by the Spaniards. However, the products they make still have the touch of indigenousness. The findings of this ethnography can be utilized by various people. Most importantly, it can be used in places where women are oppressed. These include some of the third world countries. Women can form associations to overcome their day to day challenges. Work cited Lynn, Stephen. Zapotec women. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1991. Print. Read More
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