The Origin of the Kurds - Research Paper Example

? s School Kurds Kurds are people of the Indo-European descent who are now scattered around Turkey, Iran, Iraq, and Syria. Theorigin of this cultural group can be traced back to the Mesopotamian period, which can be traced back to about 8000 years ago. According to the archeological accounts, agricultural developments have been traced back in time (McDowall, 1989). Also, there is a record of domestication of animals, metallurgy, pottery, weaving, etc. The Kurds of the recent times have diversifying modes of subsistence, i.e. some of them are nomadic pastoralists while others are settled farmers. However, the majority of the population relies on agriculture as the sole source of subsistence. Thus, if a generalized pattern is to be drawn, agriculture can be considered as a sole source of living. The social organizations can be studied in context to the mode of subsistence, as settlers generally follow the feudal system while the nomads are associated more with the tribal system (Leach, 1940). Similarly, the kinship also relates to the subsistence modes of the Kurds as the system of 12 families relates to the land ownership within a family. Gender relations for the most part being equal also reflect the ownership of an entire family over one piece of land, thus portraying equal rights over the property. Political organization associated with the system of Ashiret is based on the lineage system which is also in turn driven by the mode of subsistence. Thus, more or less, almost all patterns of Kurdish lifestyle are connected with their source of living, reflecting an interesting connection between the survival modes and the cultural patterns of any group. Prior to analyzing any cultural patterns found in the Kurdish population, it is crucial to study the population to understand their historical origins and their lifestyles. Kurds are identified as an ethno-linguistic group living in the mountain range starting from the Euphrates River, extending towards Northern Syria and even Turkey, and further ending near Iran. This entire area where Kurdish population is found in abundance is identified as Kurdistan. Though the Kurds are striving towards the formation of an independent Kurdistan as it is rich with oil reserves and other resources, it has no geographical standing in the world so far. The Kurdish language is an important element of the Kurdish unity – though diverse in nature, it generally relates to the Farsi language in general. About 30-35 Million Kurds can be traced around the globe, with most of them being Sunni Salafi Muslims. However, most of them aren’t fundamentalists and the concept of veil of segregation of women from men isn’t that common. With time, this community is also being modernized to adapt to the changing needs of the time. (McDowall, 1989) As mentioned above, the mode of sustenance in the Kurdish population varies somewhere between the nomads and the settlers. Nomads are usually the pastoralists, while the main mode of sustenance for the settlers is farming. Most of the Kurdish population, however, is comprised of those who are the settled farmers, and the most common crops found in Kurdistan are wheat as well as barley. In addition, other vegetables and crops including peas, rice, lentils, and garden vegetables are also commonly found in Kurdistan. Goats and sheep are the most crucial animals as they are a source of dairy products, wool, and other products. These modes of subsistence are important to be analyzed and understood, as the entire lives of these Kurds revolve around it. Since most of them are farmers, land is an important entity for them. Thus, the patterns of land ownership, in turn, decide who will be the most powerful of all, which further identifies other cultural variables and determinants. (Leach, 1940) Commenting on the social organizations being most dominant in Kurdistan, two patterns can be traced accordingly. The first pattern relates to the nomadic way of life, as they follow the tribal system. Since nomads are historically found commuting from one place to another in groups being pastoralists in nature, they even exist in intact groups thus following the tribal system. On the other hand, the settlers own pieces of land which are transferred to generations from generations, which means they follow the feudal system as it suits their modes of subsistence (Leach, 1940). Feudal system implies that the ones who have more land are bound to have more power over the system, and so the settlers rely on land ownership as land is the most crucial asset for these people. Thus, the social organization is found to have a direct relationship with the social organization patterns. The tribal system is based on the kinship and descent, while the class is more important for the settlers. Since the nomads are travelers, their lineage can only be traced through the kinship, while, as the generations of the settlers have owned lands for a long time, class system is more dominant with them. The pattern for kinship found in the Kurds is a very interesting one, as the sole importance is stressed on the twelve terms through which lineage can be traced. As a general pattern, the concept of nuclear families rather than extended families is apparent in Kurdistan. Generally, one household consists of one single family, and they own their particular share of land or livestock. Kinship is this context can be traced through twelve other terms which have been specified. From the paternal linkage, the affinal relatives are of the secondary importance. All the relatives who are incorporated in the twelve terms must include all the elementary families specifically (Yalc?n-Heckmann, 1991). Thus, a genealogical linkage is definitely found within the kin system. This system of kinship reflects the social organization as well as the modes of subsistence, as the land ownership connects all aspects of culture. Since the families are particular about their wealth, which is traced in terms of land ownership, it becomes important to decide the patterns of kinship to draw hereditary patterns. Also, since these landowners are feudal and the power rests upon the land ownership, even in this context the kinship patterns are extremely important. Moreover, the gender relations are also important to be studied in this context. In this regard, it is important to first understand the marriage patterns followed in Kurdistan. Since most of the population is comprised of Muslims, marriage takes place according to the Islamic law. A woman brings along dowry, and a man even pays a due amount to the woman upon marriage. Also, though the concept of polygamy is allowed in Islam, the Kurds seldom pursue polygamy. Men have the rights to divorce women while women don’t (Yalc?n-Heckmann, 1991). In Kurdistan, practically speaking, women aren’t the suppressed sector of the society as witnessed in other Muslim countries. Also, the concept of veil for women is not so common in Kurdistan, and the obligation for the segregation of men and women is not as apparent as in other Muslim societies. The gender relations have traditionally been asymmetric as men have dominated women, but the situation has changed to a large extent. Nowadays, women and men have equal importance in Kurdistan. Though women are supposed to oblige to the orders of men and stay subservient and respectful to some extent, they are still going up the ladder significantly. This also has significant connections with the modes of sustenance. Since the agriculture is the sole mode of sustenance, the nuclear families have to oversee the lands themselves to make it fertile and grow various crops on the soil. Seldom does a family seek help from an outside farmer; instead, it takes care of the land independently. Women have a significant role to play in this context, as they specifically contribute in the farming process almost to the same degree men do. Thus, when Kurdish women have a say in the economic matters, they are naturally empowered domestically and even liberated to a large extent, unlike in other Islamic societies where men carry most of the jobs. Political organization of Kurdistan also reflects the patterns portrayed due to the modes of sustenance. The political system in general, however, is quite complicated to understand, as it is based on the lineage patterns of the families. The Kurdish families are divided into various communities categorized by the segmented lineage system of the area. This community is more like a political constituency or, rather, a confederation. This confederacy is termed Ashiret, which is headed by a highly respected leader called Beg. These confederations are further divided into smaller communities termed as Tira. This Tira is hugely taxed by the Ashiret depending on the number of soldiers and servants present in a camp. Tiras are comprised of the landowners who have found their places under the inherited patterns where they have acquired the position overtime. A Tira is further led by a leader called Raiz who has an important role to play during crises as these are the ones who strongly contribute in decision making. The Tiras, however, are further segmented into smaller units called Khel. The villagers, however, also have mayors to control the system. Therefore, the political organization also reflects the modes of subsistence in one way or another, as the system is again dependent on the power which is materialized in the form of the land ownership. The one who has more land will have a better position to heal a camp or to deal in decision making. The entire organization of the political system is in a way formed to facilitate those who have more lands. Nowadays, however, with more and more industries being built over the Kurdish areas, the industrial potential of the area is also being realized. The area is naturally abundant with natural resources – in fact, rich natural resources like oil, which enables the Kurdish population to strive for independence. Thus, to adapt to the changes in the sustenance potential, i.e. to transform the mode of subsistence into industrialization, they are even accepting the modern political systems. They are now striving for government positions at state levels, and some of the Kurds – for instance, the Iraqi Kurds – have even sought a large extent of autonomy to capture the oil and the industry bases (McDowall, 1989). Thus, clearly, the evolution in the sustenance procedures leads towards changes in overall cultural variables. It should be said in conclusion that the Kurds are either nomads or settlers. Nomads are pastoralists while settlers are farmers, who are also in a huge majority. All other cultural patterns are found somehow coherent to the modes of sustenance for the Kurds. The farmers live in nuclear families and own their lands, where they work themselves to reap fertile crops. They seldom hire any outside workers to carry out their activities. The social organizations directly reflect the sustenance mode, as the nomads belong to the tribal system, whereas the settlers belong to the feudal system. The feudal system influences the order of the land ownership, as the one who owns the most land is the most powerful of all. Similarly, the patterns of kinship are also drawn across the land ownership. For instance, the twelve rules which are intact in the Kurdish population connect the genealogy of the generations so that the inheritance patterns of the land ownership are effectively drawn. Similarly, as the land is owned by, and worked on, by both men and women of the society, both genders are considered equal, unlike in other Islamic communities. Also, the system of Tira and Khel implies that those with more lands have more influence in the political decision making. However, with the changes in the subsistence modes, i.e. the transformation of Kurdistan into an industrial area, the political reforms are taking place, and they are incorporating themselves in the government to seek more autonomy. Thus, the mode of sustenance has a direct link with all other cultural determinants. References Leach, E. R. (1940). Social and economic organization of the Rowanduz Kurds. London: London University/Lund Humphries Yalc?n-Heckmann, L. (1991). Tribe and kinship among the Kurds. Frankfurt: P. Lang. McDowall, D. (1989). The Kurds. London: Minority Rights Group. Read More