Being a representative democracy, Australians influence their directions indirectly meaning that major decisions remain a preserve of the executive. It is against this background of strong party discipline that parliament is reduced to a rubber stamp of the executive rather than an independent deliberative body. This leaves the individual citizens with few options other than expressing their views through trade unions, lobby groups and other organized groupings. Occasionally appeals are passed through International Labour Organizations and the United Nations courtesy of globalization.
Further, politicians also get to hear the views of the electorate via polling organizations and media outlets; this coupled with short parliamentary terms goes a long way in keeping politicians on their toes (Backhouse 2007, p. 108). Channels of Access to the Government As Backhouse (2007, p. 108) argues, more points of access to the government of the day as well as key policy makers translates to better flexibility among citizens on the best way to interact with their representatives in government.
However, more often than not, the success of campaigns by activists calls for a careful blend of a number of strategies that comprise of the traditional street matches as well as online facilitation. The quest to increase citizen participation and engagement remains an uphill task because the viable and reliable consultation facilities are pegged on the government websites that are in turn politically controlled; administrators and politicians may not be willing to support such initiatives that tend to usurp their powers and impose more workloads (Mittal & Mohania, 2014 p. 20). A considerable number of surveys have proved, beyond reasonable doubt that most public offices have deep-seated negative attitudes towards any form of citizen engagement especially in matters policy drafting processes (Kevin & Eric, 2013 p.18). Moreover, most of these bureaucrats doubt the capacity of ordinary citizens to competently contribute to policy making activities as such the former tend to edge the latter out in mere pursuit of myopic and narrow interests that betray the common good of a nation.
Consequently, there is absolute need to carefully design any ICT tools meant to promote e-democracy if the ordinary citizens are to be motivated and sufficiently equipped to give their views objectively and with open minds. By so doing, the range of e-participants to be included in the loop of e-democracy will be significantly increased and hence the desired results guaranteed (Sagun & Robert, 2010). Possible Technological Disruptions According to Kalm (2011, p. 34), just in the same way the internet has spurred revolutions across the world of business, chances are high the same disturbance might be felt across the political and by extension the democratic divide.
This is because the internet will literally do away with the existing geographical boundaries and effectively facilitate the filtration of views coming from like-minded parties. In such an event, there will be increased possibility of generation and subscription to extremist views from minor groups that may not have coherent agenda other than quick links and access to political power (Kevin & Eric, 2013 p. 17) Furthermore, such eventualities would erode the ideal public cum political space thereby killing the stable basis on which participatory democracy is anchored.
In the long run, the unavailability of a platform on which sober debates can be waged and disagreements ironed out would be lost and precipitate unprecedented national crisis. Resources to Sustain E-democracy Despite of the availability of the necessary expertise in managing the e-democracy initiative, the expectations among the citizenry might be quite hard to meet. Whereas the citizens might expect sophisticated websites and associated applications in terms of functionality, appeal and assurance to privacy which is good, chances are, governments will be taken to task to justify the use of colossal amounts of money in promoting e-democracy and related products; returns from such initiatives will largely be viewed as qualitative (Backhouse 2007, p. 108).
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