Effects of Social Class on Youth Sports - Dissertation Example

Effects of Social Class on Youth Sports Introduction Involvement in sport is not merely facilitated by one’s social class, it in fact ‘determines’ it. Many Americans do not usually discuss social class with respect to youth sports because the concept of social class conflicts with their egalitarian values. However, class distinctions in youth sports should be considered. Even though participation in different sports usually traverses class divisions, it is not correct to assume that all young Americans participate in the same sports. Participation in a sport can strengthen social class divisions, which are a determining factor of expectations, ambitions, and way of life. This essay discusses the effects of social class on youth sports. Disagreements run rampant among contemporary scholars as to whether social class distinctions have disappeared, or whether the growth of individualization is dissolving the identity of class groups which makes inequalities more individual. This argument is supported by Roberts (1999 qtd in Collins & Kay 18): Leisure democracy in the sense that members of all social strata do similar things in their leisure, but democracy is not the same as equality: the privileged classes are distinguished by their ability to do more, which they exercise in virtually all areas of out-of-home leisure. Money is now at the root of the main differences between the use of leisure in different social strata, and the leisure differences between them are basically and blatantly inequalities rather than alternative ways of life. But sport scholars remain uncertain about the dissolution of class. Bourdieu (1985 qtd in Collins & Kay 18) supported early socialization in establishing personal decisions, and afterward of the social environment in determining youth expectations and aspirations. Likewise, Kew (1997) argues that there is “compelling evidence for the saliency of social class in structuring if not determining a person’s choice and preferences in sport” (qtd in Bailey & Kirk 175). Sugden and Tomlinson (2000) further argued (qtd in Coakley & Dunning 319): For Bourdieu, then, sport… acts as a kind of badge of social exclusivity and cultural distinctiveness for the dominant classes; it operates as a means of control or containment of the working or popular classes; it is represented as a potential source of escape and mobility for talented working-class performers… it articulates the fractional status distinctions that exist within the ranks of larger class groupings; and it reveals the capacity of the body to express social principles and cultural meanings, for physical capital to connect with forms of economic and cultural capital. In other words, in current youth sports social class distinctions remain a determinant of participation. The Impact of Social Class on Sport Participation of Young People Economic or social class is the most powerful determinant of participation in sports among the youth. Several practices of participation are rooted in ease of access and tradition whereas others are plainly an issue of economics. There are several sports favored by social class. Individuals with a high-paying job and high educational attainment are inclined to take part in individual sports like skiing, tennis, golf, and polo. They have the privilege to choose their play schedules and can pay for the fee of clothing, facilities, equipment, and club memberships (Woods 37). Individuals belonging to the middle class participate in sports that are openly available at reasonable cost, are subsidized by the community or school, and do not necessitate costly club memberships. Individuals belonging to the working class usually participate in sports that focus on masculinity, power, and competition (Woods 37). According to Mills and Gale (2009), lower-class people participate in sports like boxing, wrestling, and football. People who have difficulties earning sufficient income have a tendency to have little or no time for physical activities or sports. Usually their occupation requires intensive manual labor, so they do not have sufficient energy to take part in sports. Their flexible earnings and time are the lowest, and thus they have difficulties choosing any physical activity. However, one of the paradoxes of professional sports is that athletes usually come from middle- and upper-class groups (Woods 36-37). The financial investments needed to support the advancement of a young athlete, especially for sports such as skiing, gymnastics, tennis, and sailing, which are not taught or exercised in public schools, are obviously outside the financial capacity of the ‘common’ family. Team sports like baseball, basketball, soccer, wrestling, and track and field, are affordable and financially viable for common families (Woods 37). Golf offers a particularly relevant example of the importance of the notion of social class in accurately understanding youth sport. In addition to demanding a quite significant sum of economic resources, admission to a golf society also demands social capital: young individuals who want to become a member of a private golf society need the support of existing members. It is without a doubt that structural aspects, such as social class, are still powerful in the creation and transfer of capital and, therefore, in determining young people’s sporting preferences and identities (Coakley & Dunning 242). Although all young individuals have social capital, the concept of capital is most frequently applied to understand social class distinctions in youth sports. Certain social class distinctions make it more or less probable that participation in various types of sport will result in young individuals gaining certain kinds of physical skills that can eventually be important economic, cultural, and social resources. Concerning this, it is assumed that the bodies of young individuals have been, and remain to be, socially created: the physical or sports activities they participate in at their class-based schools results in young individuals acquiring certain abilities and certain perceptions of their bodies which function to strengthen social class statuses and direction (Collins & Kay 230). The assumption is that social class does not merely influence inclinations and decisions in sports, but it also significantly influences the physical abilities of a person; specifically, their capabilities and skills. As a result, the individual sporting traditions that distinguish middle- and lower-class groups are not subjective but develop from their class-based physical attitudes and capabilities. As argued by McDonald (2003 (qtd in Green(b) 32), physical attributes, or the body, are essential in understanding the effect of social class on youth sports. Basically, this argument implies that “How we manage our bodies in terms of diet and exercise, how we carry our bodies in terms of posture and deportment, how we present our bodies in terms of clothing, and how we use our bodies in social and physical activities, carry significant social and class meanings” (Green(b) 32). Therefore, the physical behaviors, expectations, capabilities, and even physical situation have a considerable effect on their tendencies toward old or new tasks and contribute in determining their preferences in sports. How young individuals from different class groups view sports is a manifestation of the cultural domains of social class and is strengthened not just by their peers but by ‘role models’ as well (Green(b) 32-33). In general, concepts of social capital facilitate the fact that although economic capital rests at the center of social class, social resources and relationships contribute to the development and perpetuation of inequalities and distinctions: economic capital is not the only explanation for the less affluent having “a narrower range of tastes and activities” (Green(b) 33), specifically in sports. In relation to this, Kew (1997 qtd in Green & Hardman 183) argues that several sports, such as golf, fencing, and polo, are still relatively socially restricted. Likewise, Wilson (2002 qtd in Green(b) 33) claims that results from the U.S. General SociaL Survey show that “those who are richest in cultural capital and those who are richest in economic capital are most likely to be involved in sports generally” (Green(b) 33) and that “these tendencies are independent of one another” (Green(b) 33). He further observes that while economic resources has no impact on participation in ‘working-class sports’, “those riches in cultural capital are least likely to be involved” (Mills & Gale 75) in this kind of sports in the United States. Sports scholars have sustained an interest in the interrelationship between sports and social class. This is in spite of several arguments that the subject matter of social class may be inadequate in current research of mainstream practices. Several scholars claim that established social class factors like educational attainment and occupation classification have facilitated the emergence of other factors like ethnic affiliation, family background, age, and gender. On the contrary, other scholars argue that social class remains one of the most influential variables determining lifestyles and life opportunities. Although earlier findings demonstrate that social class has a similar effect on the physical activities of both young men and young women, feminist, critical, and epidemiological studies emphasize how gender serves a considerable function in physical activity and practices (Horne et al. 60, 122). Traditionally, in western societies masculinity and sport have been notions that were inseparable, which certainly has repercussions for both young women and young men as regards attitudes and participation. Involvement in sports can strengthen a prevailing masculinity, resulting in the relegation of others, especially women (Horne et al. 117). Numerous social studies on the participation of young women in sports demonstrate that their involvement is determined by established concepts of femininity and an interest in wellbeing and physical condition, especially body shape. The characteristic of the school young people attend in can be a major factor in the transfer of capital and culture. The presence of private and public schools signifies a component of social hierarchy or class distinction. Through particular practices and activities, private schools obviously try to provide a special learning for their preferred students, and highlight the dissimilarity between them and pupils at other schools (Woods 22). Thus, prestigious schools often exercise sports and physical activities as fundamental in the development of the school’s culture and the perpetuation of class division. Existing studies report that young individuals’ involvement in sport is an outcome of choices processed within the perspective of their social environment, and reconciled by the young individual’s self-perception and personal aspirations. Although they make involved choices about their participation in sport, these are also within broader social and structural perspectives (Woods 128). Therefore, in order to fully appreciate the participation of young individuals in sports, it is essential to consider how they communicate their own experiences, perceptions, and knowledge. Several studies demonstrate that youths from the working class have fewer chances to exercise sports in order to enhance their cultural, social and educational opportunities. There are a number of theoretical accounts of these findings. First, the educational attainment of parents is one of the most powerful determinants of participation in youth sports; hence, the perceptions and attitudes of parents may be concerned. Parents with a higher educational attainment may give importance to the benefits of participation in sports and perhaps may persuade their children to take part. Moreover, they most likely endow their children an advantage through summer camps and private lessons (Collins & Kay 205). Second, the unfavorable effect of membership in public schools, which is associated with the socioeconomic standing of students, provides another explanation: working-class pupils have a smaller number of opportunities to take part in school sports due to the fact that their schools provide hardly any physical activities or do not promote vigorous involvement in sports. This discovery is similar to other reports about disproportionate or unequal chances for pupils in private versus public schools (Collins & Kay 205). Nevertheless, professionals are still looking for means to lessen the disparities between social classes, and studies in the field of education and sociology are mainly interested in identifying the factors that contribute to social inequalities and recommending strategies to improve opportunities for all students. In contrast, increases in sports participation among young people recently have been particularly evident. Most are participating in sport in a regular basis all over Western Europe. Although differences in gender and age in youth sport are adequately documented, the effect of social class on the participation of young people in sports is insufficiently studied. Nevertheless, the current strategy document of the British government, Game Plan, discovered that individuals who are most likely to participate in sports are young, white males (Green(a) 161). In Norway, “adolescents from middle class homes with above average income and highly educated parents, and who attend an academic secondary school, are more likely to participate in sport than their peers from working class families with lower incomes and less well educated parents” (Green(a) 161). Nevertheless, contrary to these findings, a 2001 study of youth sports found out that social class “had only a minimal impact upon the likelihood and level of sports participation” (Green(a) 161) among teenagers in Wales. They indicated that this was true for extra-curricular and curricular physical education. However, another study of the Sports Council Wales (SCW) discovered that, as regards the participation of young individuals in sports in their free time, the average number of sports embarked on was slightly lower for students belonging to the working class. Likewise, the 2002 study of Sport England also found out that social class was still an important factor in participation in sports among the youth (Green(a) 161). For instance, they discovered that “students living in the top 20 percent of deprived areas in England [were] less likely to have taken part in extra-curricular sport (37 percent versus 44 percent of young people who did not live in the top 20 deprived areas)” (Green(a) 161). Therefore, given these disparate findings, it is essential to consider the fact that although social class affects the participation of the youth in sports, its effects on dedicated participants is negligible and mostly confined to types and levels of participation. Recognizing an individual’s social class is a difficult endeavor, but choosing and engaging in sports is deeply and intensely affected by social class. Sports have long been regarded as a way through which benefits and limitations that could arise from social class can be fairly balanced. Sports have the capacity to promote social equality. Through teamwork and fair competition, sports can usually eliminate the advantages and limitations produced by social class (Horne et al. 103). When going into the court, a player’s social class will have negligible impact on the result of the basketball game. Similar to racial identity and gender, social class is frequently described by myths. Wealthy folks are arrogant and individuals on welfare are indolent are some of the numerous myths about social class (Horne et al. 103). But social class is characterized not by myths but instead by economic resources and labor. As argued by Max Weber, social classes are built and characterized in relation to the division of labor. Moreover, Weber argued that social classes are built and characterized in recreational pursuits and social institutions. To gain accurate knowledge of a specific group, it is important to know how the people in the group build their relationships with one another and with their social environment (Horne et al. 103). By trying to understand the creation of social relationships rooted in the behaviors of participants, trainers, and mentors, ideas on the function of sports in society can be identified. If playgrounds or recreational areas are sites where fundamental components of society are built, students and teachers should understand their contribution to the creation of social relationships. More particularly, the distribution of economic resources or material goods and services should also be looked at. Examinations of participant services, personnel selection and assistance, distribution of equipment, and patterns of financial support are all crucial to the identification of how social class influences access to sports (Mills & Gale 83). For instance, even though it may be hard for teachers in a poorly funded public school to compete with the sports facilities and services of a prestigious private school, they can still offer high quality instruction in physical education that could compete with that of special private schools. Social class can also affect teachers’ expectations for students. These teachers’ expectations usually arise from impressions. Specifically, a teacher views certain attributes of a student, like physical appearance, speech, or body type, and afterward creates expectations from these impressions. A large number of these attributes are outcomes of social class. This becomes problematic when students are taught well when teachers have greater expectations for them while they inadequately teach students for whom they have lesser expectations (Mills & Gale 83-85; Horne et al. 103-104). Participants and coaches in physical education and sports should try to not merely understand the influence of social class by looking at their own perceptions, attitudes, and actions, but they should also strive toward equality through sports. Sports must not be an arena where social class is formed or encouraged. Conclusions Evidently, social class has a substantial impact on participation in sports among young people. In the United States, as well as in Western European societies, social class has continued to influence the type of sports young people engage in and the level of dedication they have for their chosen physical activity. Moreover, the type of school also influences participation in youth sports. Public schools, which are usually attended by youngsters from the working class, usually do not offer numerous sports and physical activities. Some of these public schools also fail to encourage their students to actively participate in sports. On the other hand, elite private schools are more financially equipped to offer a larger number of physical activities and better train their students in sports. But this is not always the case. It is important to keep in mind that the issue of social class in youth sports remains inadequately studied. Yet, even though the field of sports is viewed as largely based on class distinctions, it is still possible to promote equal opportunity through sports. All that is needed is a change in perception, attitudes, and expectations. Social class should not hinder young people from actively participating in sports. Works Cited Bailey, Richard & David Kirk. The Routledge Physical Education Reader. London: Routledge, 2008. Print. Coakley, Jay & Eric Dunning. Handbook of Sports Studies. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE, 2000. Print. Collins, Michael & Tess Kay. Sport and Social Exclusion. London: Routledge, 2003. Print. Green, Ken (a). Understanding Physical Education. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE, 2008. Print. --------------- (b). Key Themes in Youth Sport. New York: Taylor & Francis, 2010. Print. Green, Ken & Kenneth Hardman. Physical Education: Essential Issues. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE, 2004. Print. Horne, John, Alan Tomlinson, & Garry Whannel. Understanding Sport: An Introduction to the Sociological and Cultural Analysis of Sport. New York: Taylor & Francis, 1999. Print. Mills, Carmen & Trevor Gale. Schooling in Disadvantaged Communities: Playing the Game from the Back of the Field. Brisbane, Australia: Springer, 2009. Print. Woods, Ronald. Social Issues in Sport. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics, 2011. Print. Read More