Human trafficking and domestic violence - Research Paper Example

? Human Trafficking and Domestic Violence Human trafficking is an illegal activity, which primarily encompasses exploitation and entails persons being purchased, sold as well as thrown into slavery labour. Human trafficking is a kind of contemporary bondage; human trafficking extremely affects girls, women as well as children, and it encompasses sexual exploitation (Reichel, 2008). Regularly, trafficked people suffer numerous victimizations, which comprise domestic, relational, or intimate partner violence. Victims of human trafficking and domestic violence often have similar characteristics and experiences, which manipulate the victim’s dread. The aim of these paper is to look into how human trafficking and domestic violence interlock and its impact on victims. Human trafficking occurs every day behind locked doors and within plain sight. The truth is that perpetrators are individual women and men, families as well as organized illegal groups. A listing of potential traffickers may comprise neighbours, acquaintances, friends, village chiefs, business owners, community leaders, diplomats, pimps, faith leaders as well as drug traffickers. Within the United States, traffickers target vulnerable inhabitants such as at-risk and runaway youth, undocumented migrants, substance abusers, and marginalized people (Clawson et al., 2008). Traffickers visit various places to recruit adult and child victims. Schools, parks, homeless shelters, playgrounds, courtrooms, restaurants and bars are amongst the common spots. In the slavery business, traffickers may adopt the duty of a recruiter, transporters, or guardians (Clawson, Layne, Small, 2006). Domestic violence is generally reflected as a “push factor” of human trafficking. Because of the fuelled vulnerability instigated by a violent relationship, domestic violence victims can have themselves secluded as well as without accessibility to the emotional and financial support required to vacate to a safer location, therefore, placing them at a great risk for manipulation (United States Department of State, 2008). Domestic Violence may as well be a ‘push factor’ for those persons who eventually become culprits of trafficking (Finckenaur & Schrock, 2006). Physical cruelty is not the single or most prevalent type of abuse employed in human trafficking and domestic violence. Normally, psychological, economic and emotional mistreatments are more prevalent. The Duluth Model Power and Control Wheel is an instrument within the domestic-violence field, which scrutinizes the non-physical forms of abuse, which can transpire in relations include using children, economic control and using threats (United States Department of State, 2008). A similar tool is the ‘Human Trafficking Power and Control Wheel,’ which shows forms of abuse discovered in various trafficking circumstances, numerous of which reflect those employed in familial and intimate partner abuse (Farrell, McDevitt, & Fahy, 2008). Domestic violence and human trafficking can interconnect in much more profound manners.   Intimate partners may force their spouses into extremely exploitative conditions.  A spouse maybe a trafficker as well (Farrell, McDevitt, & Fahy, 2008).  Intimate Partner Trafficking (IPT) is not a form of trafficking, which has been investigated, discussed or prosecuted to a certain degree as other trafficking tendencies seen – but it happens.  Nevertheless, similar to intimate spouse rape, it is possible that this form of abuse is greatly underreported. Another way, which trafficking domestic violence and trafficking come into contact is through familial trafficking (Finckenaur & Schrock, 2006).  Whereas it is hard to imagine that a father, mother, sister, or brother could push a relative to participate in forced labour or commercial sex, this is a tendency that is seen within enforced commercial sex circumstances and domestic servitude (Clawson et al., 2008). All around the global pimps, a subgroup of human traffickers, have realized that the finest way to engage vulnerable girls and women into prostitution is via romance and love (Clawson, Layne & Small, 2006). Often these human traffickers are a fragment of structured rings, which prepare young males within the time-honoured strategies of effective pimping. Their methods of control and manipulation are particularly effective with young women and girls who have been brought up in situations of hardship, who have not had supportive fathers within their lives as well as/or survived mistreatment upon the hand of a community or family member. Already devastated, these women and girls are often vulnerable to re-victimization (Turner & Kelly, 2008). The operating method of an intimate-partner trafficker is usually a combination of punishments and rewards —gifts as well as declarations of affection followed with verbal beatings and slurs. These traffickers make their victims believe that the law does not protect them and they can never get security from the authorities (Clawson, Layne & Small, 2006). They boost their victims’ feeling of exclusion from community by re-creating their identities, habitually giving them fresh names, provocative dress, and at times marking the victims with tattoos to reveal their rank as chattel. Secluded from their communities and families, subjected to physical and psychological intimidation by the men they depend on and love, victims are steadily rid of their feel of self and spiked into new characters (Farrell, McDevitt, & Fahy, 2008). Often the ordeal they sustain because of this ruthless, degrading treatment—psychological torment as described by Amnesty International—make them regard their oppressors as their shields. Once termed as Stockholm syndrome, “traumatic bonding” is the term mental health experts use to define the condition of mental enslavement common in situations of sufferers of intimate-partner sex (Chin & Zhang, 2002). Human-trafficking professionals frequently talk on pull and push forces: conditions, which lure or propel vulnerable persons into conditions of forced labour or prostitution. Domestic violence frequently functions as a pull or a push force (Gozdziak & Bump, 2008). Persons at risk, commonly girls and women, regularly fall in the domination of traffickers when attempting to get away from intimate-partner abuse (Chin & Zhang, 2002). On the other hand, they often inadvertently become trapped in violent intimate-partner relations trying to get away from labour or sex trafficking. Mostly lacking family support and economic resources, victims are trouble-free targets for intimate-partner pursuers. Desperate to escape intolerable situations, they are unable to realize that the individual offering protection and refuge is an abuser as well (Caliber Associates, 2007). Prevalent are the undesirable effects of human trafficking sufferers where they may undergo physical, emotional financial and sexual abuse. They might be enticed with a favourable job, citizenship, education, or a cheerful marriage—just to realize they were coerced, forced, or deceived into slavery. Minors are deprived of their childhood via the physical kidnapping (Clawson, Dutch & Cummings, 2006). Culprits of trafficking and domestic violence use similar strategies of control and power upon their victims. The culprits control their victims using unsavoury exploitation and practices, for instance, restricting movement and freedom, financial control, threats, intimidation, sexual and physical exploitation. Female victims undergo significant emotional and health problems, such as greater exposure of getting HIV as well as other STDs, head injuries, tuberculosis, broken bones, and are at great risk for PTSD (post-traumatic stress disorder) (Caliber Associates, 2007). Immigrants’ victims have increased exposure since they are probably oblivious of their lawful rights; have inadequate English, fear extradition, as well as lack community and family support networks. The lawful response to trafficking is full challenges, which are complex and varied and are allied to opinions about human trafficking prevalence, training on prosecution and investigation as well as forming efficient collaborations. Between 73% and 77% of local, national and state legal enforcement assessed, see human trafficking as infrequent or non-existent within their societies (Busch-Armendariz et al., 2007). Legal enforcement coaching is the finest technique for eradicating these misperceptions. A NIJ underwritten project of legal enactment responses to trafficking established that 32% of trafficking incidents were exposed via the investigative assignments of other incidents (Clawson et al., 2008) that highlights the necessity for a wide-ranging trained legal enforcement. Legal enforcement representatives themselves have as well seen the need for more training over detection and response methods for inspecting human trafficking incidents (Clawson et al., 2008 & Busch-Armendariz et al., 2008). The two main forms of non-governmental establishments that afford services to survivors of trafficking include social service organizations, which afford direct services to survivors; as well as advocacy agencies, which may be simply indirectly engaged with victims (Busch-Armendariz et al., 2007). The social service organizations afford direct services, which may include health, legal, education, refugee relocation agencies, immigration, prostitution salvage assistance, domestic violence and sexual assault interventions, faith-based and child-focused services (Clawson, Dutch & Cummings, 2006). Advocacy groupings work together with government organizations, the legislatures as well as other political units to promote responsiveness and campaign for the human trafficking victim needs (Busch-Armendariz et al., 2008). Temporary services for human trafficking survivors are crucial for rebuilding lives. By means of reintegrating and rehabilitating sufferers, the federal administration created grants controlled via the OVC (Office for Victims of Crime) (United States Department of State, 2008) to afford critical amenities to recently identified human trafficking victims. Grant monies permit community organizations to address immediate or acute needs as well as provide housing, psychological health services, food, medical care, clothing, advocacy, legal services as well as communal referrals for human trafficking victims in a critical period (Caliber Associates, 2007). More emphasis is needed to pinpoint and develop amenities for the lasting needs of survivors of human trafficking. As service organizations help survivors recuperate independent lives, sufferers have mentioned the need for lasting employment aid, English language attainment, migration status, permanent and independent housing as well as family reunion (Chin & Zhang, 2002). In case a human trafficker is not seized, safety remains a lasting concern for the victims. Lasting mental health necessities are prominent as well as victims start to make their fresh lives. Many victims assert that their first emphasis upon necessities steer them to dismiss their mental health needs (Gjermeni et al., 2008). Nonetheless, as victims become self-governing, their psychological health problems start to surface in addition some survivors testify to receiving later psychological health services. As the debate of trafficking continues, a shift to in-depth study on the lasting needs of survivors is necessary (Caliber Associates, 2007). Since the trafficking victims’ needs are often extremely extensive, few organizations exist whose sole task is to serve survivors of trafficking, therefore, a range of agencies meet the service essentials of the survivors (United States Department of State, 2008). Regularly these organizations primarily serve patrons with comparisons to sufferers of trafficking, together with domestic violence sufferers, refugees and immigrants as well as victims of sex exploitation. Clawson et al., (2008) states, for example, that refugee and immigration agencies afford many of the aids to the survivors of trafficking. Numerous organizations have had to adjust their service provision arrangements to assist human trafficking victims. Less than 1/3 of aid providers encompassed within the needs evaluation study carried out by Clawson et al., (2008) contained some kind of official protocol or procedure to help the sufferers. Other service providers depended upon informal practices through dealing with the victims independently, or they acclimatized existing practices employed with other clientele populations, for instance, domestic violence sufferers, and refugees. Clawson’s findings shows that service givers are struggling with how to incorporate services for sufferers of human trafficking to their existing service provision structures. Children have proved to be a predominantly difficult populace to recognize and serve. Therefore, further exploration is required to help these young sufferers from human traffickers (Troshynski & Blank, 2008). Conclusively, further discussion is required over the subject of lasting needs and family reunion. In the lack of formally structured or extended services, inventive and culturally applicable community-based resolutions are required (Clawson, Dutch & Cummings, 2006). Whereas the long-standing victims’ needs of human trafficking might not be completely different from the needs of low-income populations, the comprehensive range of needs is regularly not tackled via mainstream services in a holistic manner (Busch-Armendariz et al., 2008). Barricades to services might be distinctive to this populace, and comprise safety, language, trust and ethnicity. Policymakers and service providers at times function under a conjecture that clienteles will rapidly gain access to mainstream services as well as that these mainstream services can be adequate (Gjermeni et al., 2008). Nonetheless, clients’ necessities as well as the structure of mainstream services as well as services for human trafficking victims are not at all times in harmony. For instance, time-limited aids are incapable of accommodating trauma-related necessities, which might not appear in the initial 6 months of assistance (Busch-Armendariz et al., 2007). References Busch-Armendariz, N. et al.(2007). An evaluation of the Central Texas Coalition Against human trafficking. Austin, TX: The University of Texas. Busch-Armendariz, N., et al. (2008). Human trafficking in Texas: A statewide evaluation Of existing laws and social services. Caliber Associates. (2007). Evaluation of comprehensive services for victims of human trafficking: key findings and lessons learned, final report. Retrieved on April 11, 2013, from http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/nij/ Chin, K., & Zhang, S. (2002). Characteristics of Chinese human smugglers: Across- national study, final report.Retrieved on April 11, 2013, from http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/nij/ Clawson, H., Layne, M., & Small, K. (2006). Estimating human trafficking in the United States: Development of a methodology. Rockville, MD: National institute of Justice. Retrieved on April 11, 2013, from http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/nij/ Clawson, H., Dutch, N., & Cummings, M. (2006). Law enforcement response to human trafficking and implications for victims: current practices and lessons learned. Retrieved on April 11, 2013, from http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/nij/ Clawson, H., Layne, M., & Small, K. (2006). Estimating human trafficking in the United States: Development of a methodology. Retrieved on April 11, 2013, from http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/nij/ Clawson, H., et al. (2008). Prosecuting human trafficking cases: Lessons learned and promising practices. 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