Societal norms and rules in Saudi Arabia - Research Paper Example

?Research Methodology Societal norms and rules in Saudi Arabia are patriarchal, with women being treated as second citizens, such that they continue to face discrimination in nearly all facets of social life. Women enjoy fewer rights than men, their freedom of movement is restricted, and their economic opportunities are grossly limited. In the few activities they are allowed by the law and society, women’s actions and choices are subject to the permission or wishes of their mahram (husband or closest male relative) (OECD, 2006). In Saudi Arabia in general women deal with a pronounced male bias which imposes restrictive social norms upon all women and girls on a day -to -day basis. What is tolerated, expected, rewarded in patriarchal institutions is ‘different forms of obedience’- such as uniformity and conformity- of which are all inspired by fear. (French, 1985, cited in Rowan-Campbell, 1999) At the regional level rural women face the burdens of accessing markets and adopting improved technology; at the household level, women risk various and changing forms of gender division of labour. When the head of a household wields a level of power which is almost absolute, it is very difficult even to observe the ways in which power is exercised. Much of the time it does not need to be asserted overtly, because it is part of the fabric of daily life and it is taken for granted by all parties and becomes “normal” in that situation, however uncomfortable that is for the subordinate party. In this context, a predominantly patriarchal society, control and ‘power over” others has become internalized causing women to be treated as second class citizens. Women are disempowered in terms of their lack of access to financial resources and they are forced to accept a restricted role even in household decision-making. In such a society women have a very much reduced bargaining power which makes it very difficult for them to do anything about their situation. These restrictive social norms are derived in broader terms from a long history over many centuries. It is argued that Saudi ‘culture’ and ‘traditions’ have caused women to become disadvantaged and oppressed. Examples of this kind of argument can be seen all over the world, and particularly in developing countries where women struggle to achieve equal access to economic and social benefits. One study based on rural women in Southern Nigeria points out that influences from feminist ideologies can be suitable for application in urban areas, where there is frequent contact with Western people and Western ideas, but that this is not always the best approach in more rural areas: “There is therefore a need to transform such culture to accommodate or protect women’s interest, but based on the fact that feminists in the North are a product of western social history their solutions are not always appropriate in this non-western social context.” (Nwanesi, 2006, p. 95) This means that scholars and agencies must take into account the fact that cultural influences in rural areas are less diverse, and the need here is to address the whole culture, and not just the needs of the women in it. From the perspective of an anthropologist the issues are indeed related to a whole culture, and in some societies that notions like equality, individual rights, and personal choice can appear to be alien and irrelevant to women who adhere to a different moral order that emphasizes self-control, self- refinement, and duty to the family (Menon, 2000, p. 77) There is absolutely no point in trying to introduce, or impose, any social changes if the people in that society neither understand the concepts being used to defend them, nor see any concrete value coming out of such proposed changes. The position of women in such mono-cultural and patriarchal society is weak, and they cling to such elements of status and respect that they have, because they have nothing else. Strident feminist approaches threaten this status, and that explains why many women, while attracted by some of the aims of well-meaning interventions, often half-heartedly accept them, or even reject them outright. The reality is that there is a real risk of more harm than good coming from an unthinking application of theories which are simply not appropriate for the local context. These theoretical and practical issues are highly relevant to the case of Saudi Arabia. Women may indeed not be aware of many western discourses, opinions and alternatives to the life that they currently live, but this does not mean that they are not entitled to at least become aware to these foreign notions and reflect on which aspects might be of use to themselves. Women in Saudi Arabia are very well aware of the limited space that they have to manoeuvre and they are capable of deciding for themselves what is desirable and what is feasible for them in their local context. What is lacking is an awareness of alternatives, and this is an area that urgently needs attention in Saudi Arabian society. In a country such as Saudi Arabia many women have become dissatisfied with their current level of rights when compared with male counter parts. Approaching the issue from an ideological angle may not be the most effective way of introducing change. Examples from other countries can prove instructive. In Bangladesh, for example Mohamed Yunus, the founder of Grameen Bank, argued that very practical projects such as the introduction of a microcredit system, can start off incremental change, beginning right at the core of many women’s daily experience, which is providing a stable source of food and care for her family and herself “ Giving the woman control of the purse -strings was the first steps in giving her rights as a human being… A poor woman in our society is total insecure. So given any Opportunity at all, a poor woman in our society wants to build up her security: her financial security.” (Yunus and Jolis, 2003, pp. 88-89) Following this line of argument, the first step in freeing a woman’s mind from the power of oppressive patriarchy would be to free her from absolute dependence on a man for basic needs such as food and shelter. Once this fundamentally oppressive connection is broken, there would then theoretically be more room for new ideas, and new ways of looking at the whole gender-based allocation of roles and responsibilities in society. So long as economic dependency is built into a woman’s existence, any other kind of autonomy is likely to be an unrealistic expectation. Numerous studies (Kabeer, 1992, 1998 and 2000; Iheduru, 2002; Yunus and Jolis, 2003) have started with this economic kind of analysis and have observed the introduction of innovative micro-credit schemes which aim to put small amounts of resources directly into the hands of women. This bypasses the usual filter of wealth through the hands of men, and encourages, albeit initially on a small scale, independent actions that have an immediate benefit on the woman concerned and her family. Kabeer rightly points out that the smallest possible unit for looking at women’s role in society is at the level of the individual household: “The household is a logical starting point for such analysis because of its central role in enabling, constraining and differentiating its members’ participation in the economy and society at large… women’s unpaid – and frequently unacknowledged – domestic responsibilities represent a prior set of demands on their labour time.” (Kabeer, 2002, p. 282) There is no point in stressing the injustice of this situation, and urging women to take up paid employment like the men, because for women this domestic duty tends to be a fixed and non-negotiable part of the patriarchal social order. The more patriarchal the society, the less likely the woman is to be able to a) be freed from home responsibilities and b) be allowed access to external income producing activities. The hierarchy of these two conditions is extremely important, since the one must precede the other. This is why micro-financing with a focus on activities in or near the family home is such a powerful measure in rural and patriarchally based societies. Kabeer concludes that by providing opportunities for self-employment micro-credit schemes have significantly increased women’s security, autonomy, self-confidence, and status within the household. It is demonstrated women who have gained confidence through micro-credit are able to make good livelihood and household decisions, have control over resources and are able to use increasingly larger loans to effectively increase their income. The intention is to clearly focuses on the goal of enhancing women’s economic independence and self- reliance. There is a great deal of research on micro-finance, and care must be taken to evaluate negative as well as positive accounts in different geographical and social contexts. Yunus, for example, is bound to be in favour of micro-financing because he is heavily involved in setting up and administering them. In Islamic countries there are reservations about schemes which depend on a system of loans which are paid back with interest because Sharia law forbids the practice of interest, but microcredit systems which avoid this practice have met with some success (Chishti, 2010) Some critics have reached very mixed conclusions about the effectiveness of microfinancing, both in economic terms and in terms of achieving any aspects of social change, particularly in terms of positions in society. Dhar notes in a study based on North West India, for example, that “The women micro-entrepreneurs are engaged in very small activities … Women micro-entrepreneurs are not very sure whether this micro-finance movement will increase their business opportunities, assets and income” (Dhar, 2010, pp. 83-85) This study reports that the banks have received a better return on the money they invested than was expected, but that there appears little linkage between the microfinancing initiative and any real social or economic benefits, since poverty is still a huge problem, women are reluctant to branch out into newer or bigger ventures, and the measurements made by social indices are “not very encouraging.” (Dhar, 2010, p. 84) Some fundamental issues appear to be blocking the initiatives, and also concealing the extent to which progress can be measured: “Illiteracy and lack of awareness of health and hygiene are serious impediments to entrepreneurial development and as found in this study,m make the process of savings/credit linkages complex” (Dhar, 2010, p. 85) There are also other potential problems with micro-financing, such as a difficulty in maintaining proper records and regulations due to cultural factors such as attitudes to ownership and decision-making which repeatedly intrude upon women’s ability to fulfil the obligations of such schemes (Karim and Archer, 2007; Haque, 2010). Again and again researchers note that a concentration economics and administration alone is not sufficient, and that schemes fail because of a failure to fully understand and take account of the social relations between participants and non-participants, and the wider structures, beliefs and practices in society (Woolcock, 1999; Leach, 2002). It seems then, that micro-financing might present an exciting opportunity for women in Saudi Arabia, and this means that in the first instance it is the duty of this study to assess whether or not providing women with access to microfinance is a effective tool in their attainment to economic independence and self-reliance and increasing the family well-being. It is by no means a simple solution to issues of poverty and exclusion among women in Saudi Arabia but there are lessons that can be learned from the studies outlined above. Issues such as illiteracy and lack of basic hygiene may not be such a great problem, in most parts of Saudi Arabia at least, but the cultural and social challenges may well be as great, or even greater, in Saudi Arabia as they are in other countries. These examples have shown clearly that it is not the Islamic religion itself which prevents the introductions of micro-financing, but in fact the reasons for failure or non-introduction lie much more in the gender hierarchies that patriarchy impose upon society. It follows from these studies outlined above that some issues will need further investigation in the case of women’s position in Saudi Arabia. These will include issues of power relations in terms of decision-making and bargaining power in the household and specifically gender as a cross-cutting issue. It will be necessary to investigate how these issues are interlocked with other factors of social hierarchy such as , class, race, education . As Young (1993) has pointed out, to a large extent development approaches have addressed issues to do with what is referred to as women’s ‘practical need’ (material conditions) rather than their position ‘strategic needs’ in society relative to men. In light of this I feel it is more appropriate to not only focus on the material conditions, but to go beyond and investigate both major types of needs that relate to the situation of women in Saudi. So in a situation where women are faced with inequality and increasing family obligation their ability to satisfy these two types of needs by using micro-financial resources would be one way of defininn and realising personal empowerment, at least at the level of the household. The notion of empowerment and whether or not it can be attained is therefore a common thread which weaves through the various themes in this study. This is not in fact an attempt to find out the different ways in which these women can be empowered. This is an issue to be tackled at a later stage and by a different study, or extension to the present one. The special focus of the present study is to investigate the intra-household power relations and how they related and are affected by microfinance. In the particular case of Saudi Arabia it will be more appropriate to focus on understanding and investigating the meaning of gender as a social construction and the gender roles in this specific context and society. This research follows strictly a GAD approach in that it demands a transformative change in gender relations with in the household and policy. The term gender is used here as an analytical category to understand how economic, social and cultural systems in Saudi Arabia affect the male and female recipients of BRJ differently, by utilizing both qualitative and qualitative methods which are explained in further detail below. The three main concepts used in this study are gender (gender roles/relations), power and socio/economic empowerment. These concepts have still not been fully theorized nor defined in the context of the household and in relation to microfinance in Saudi Arabia. The working definitions for the purpose of this study for these concepts are as follows: Empowerment: this is what results from access to microfinance through BRJ, which in a successful scheme allows the women recipients to become both economically self-sufficient and able to take control of their economic resources as well as have the ability to make decisions independently. Gender as an analytical framework The concept of gender is crucial because it is applied in social analysis. To understand gender, according to Oakley (1972) and Rubin (1975) the activities of men and women need to be addressed. Because the needs of women can be separate from the needs of men, they might require different development strategies although it is crucial not to adopt imported notions of gender which falsely portray the nuclear household as a unit in which the male is the sole provider and the women is labelled unproductive. (Wallace and March,1991, p. 279) Gender analysis is vital for this study because it will bring to light differences and inequalities that might otherwise be taken for granted. The working definition for gender in this study refers therefore to roles and responsibilities of both men and women in a household in both rural and urban areas of Saudi Arabia. Embedded in that are the expectations from both genders according to Saudi culture/tradition in terms of behaviour, both mmasculine and feminine. Gender roles here , are the roles that are expected from males and females separately and that are learned through interaction with other members of society whether related or non-related in the household or the broader society. These roles can change over time and may vary from region to region in Saudi Arabia. According to Oakley (1972) and Rubin (1975) the gender identity of men and women in any given society is social and psychologically determined. This also means historically and culturally. Gender does not only vary between cultures but also varies over time within the same culture as, culture is constantly evolving (Nwanesi, 2008, p. 92). The word ‘culture’ is an over loaded and multidimensional term. For the purpose of this study Saudi culture is defined as: the individual’s behaviour in the private and social context, whether is it demanded by tradition, passed down through generations, or behaviour that is required by shareea law. Given the different religious traditions of groups within Saudi Arabia, this will vary. Different groups have evolved different interpretations of Islam and emphasise different parts of the the Quranic scripts. Culture is defined as what is common in terms of customs, rules and taboos, and this includes verbal and non-verbal communication and social etiquette, much of which is unconsciously carried out. A useful approach for these matters is that of Naila Kabeer, whose work at the Intstitute of Development Studies in Brighton, Sussex, has drawn on explicitly structural and feminist roots. A deep understanding of these issues in the Saudi Context has not yet been achieved and using insights and approaches developed by Kabeer (1992; 1994; 1998 etc.) for other contexts, this study will begin to remedy this gap. Kabeer’s (1994) framework for analysis includes the following aims: To analyse existing gender inequalities in the distribution of resources, responsibilities and power To analyse relationships between people, their relationship to resources and activities, and how they are reworked through institutions To emphasise human well-being as the final goal of development. The framework is based on the idea that the aim of development is human well-being, which consists of survival, security and autonomy. Production is seen as oriented not just to the market, but also to human well-being, including the reproduction of human labour, subsistence activities, and care for the environment. This third feature is the most directly relevant to the present study. Poverty is seen to arise out of unequal social relations, which result in unequal distribution of resources, claims and responsibilities. Gender relations are one such type of social relations. Social relations are not fixed or immutable. They can and do change through factors such as macro changes or human agency. Social relations include the resources people have. The poor, especially poor women, are often excluded from access and ownership of resources, and depend upon relationships of patronage or dependency for resources. Development can support the poor by building solidarity, reciprocity and autonomy in access to resources. Institutions ensure the production, reinforcement and reproduction of social relations, and, thereby, social difference and inequality. Gender inequality is reproduced, in the household, but also through a range of institutions, including the international community, the state and the market. Institutions are defined as distinct frameworks of rules for doing things and organisations as the specific structural forms that institutions take. Gender analysis therefore entails looking at how institutions create and reproduce inequalities. There are four key institutional sites: the state, the market, the community and family/kinship and though they are not the focus of the present study, which looks at the household, they are nonetheless important background factors which must be taken into consideration. Using this approach, there are five identifiable dimensions of institutional social relationships, namely: Rules, or how things get done; do they enable or constrain? Rules may be written or unwritten, formal or informal Activities, or who does what, who gets what, and who can claim what. Activities may be productive, regulative, or distributive Resources, or what is used and what is produced, including human (labour, education), material (food, assets, capital), or intangible resources (goodwill, information, networks) People, or who is in, who is out and who does what. Institutions are selective in the way they include or exclude people, assign them resources and responsibilities, and position them in the hierarchy Power, or who decides, and whose interests are served. (Kabeer, 1994) Furthermore there are three types of gender aware policies which can be introduced, and they are called gender neutral (i.e. targeting both men and women while working within the existing gender division of resources and responsibilities) gender specific (ie targeting men or women specifically while working within the existing gender division of resources and responsibilities) and gender redistributive (targeting just men, just women or both, and intending to transform existing gender relations in a strategic way into something more balanced). Beyond these distinctions there are also within the framework factors which are immediate, underlying and structural, depending on how deeply embedded they are. The advantage of such an all-encompassing framework of analysis is that it can be used in many different ways and at different levels of detail. Large and small scale factors are included and a full picture can be gained. A disadvantage of such a complex framework is that sometimes the gender issue can get lost in all the other issues that are included, and of course it is a very exhaustive and time-consuming effort to undertake such an analysis. Some current women’s empowerment frameworks explicitly aim to achieve equality for women in relation to men. Such a goal may be too ambitious for application to Saudi Arabia, in the short term at least. Kabeers aims are more modest, such as an objective “to enable and encourage” or “to rethink old assumptions and practices.” This approach is sensitive to local culutures and starts at an awareness building stage, rather than immediately reaching for concrete redistribution of resources before any of the groundwork has been done. Another issue which will be relevant for a study of the Saudi Arabian context will be the need to identify ways of evaluating interventions, and this will require evaluative procedures to be built into the design of any intervention. The present study will take an intersectionality approach, using a cross sectional analysis. The factor of class is crucial, since the material condition of microfinance clients is the key object of study. Both male and female recipients will be studied, but the focus will be on the female recipients. Positionality The question of standpoint and perspective is highly relevant to this study, especially as the research involves interviewing women and analysing certain experiences which are available only to women. (Al-Ali, 2010) The researcher’s positionality will allow a perspective which tends towards the insider end of the spectrum, due to shared religious and cultural beliefs that come from being born and raised in Saudi Arabia and being a practising Muslim, although there are of course many variations within these categories which may or may not be shared by interviewees, such as wearing of the Hijab at all times. The researcher’s international experience and exposure to other cultures also brings external factors into play. There is also the issue of economic background and class, since these factors may well be quite different in the case of interviewer and interviewee. Such details will be made known to interviewees and participants in observation sessions and focus groups. The issue of marital status and the role of the researcher’s husband is a tricky factor in the Saudi Arabian context since disclosure of these details will undoubtedly affect the way that participants behave. One detail in particular is of critical relevance to the study and that is the existence of a blood relationship between the researcher’s husband and the founder of BRJ. In order to explore what effect disclosure or non-disclosure such details is likely to have on this study, a pilot study is intended, where these factors are explored with potential participants. It is anticipated that responses from participants might be changed if a connection with the funding body is suspected, and this would seriously compromise any results. (Mayoux, 1997) In the case of interviews with male respondents, a male research assistant will undertake these interviews, thus providing a controllable variable which might influence women’s responses. Analysis of any variation in response to male and female interviewers adds an interesting dimension to the research. Above all preparation for the fieldwork in terms of positionality is vital since the task of data collection often throws up difficulties which had not been foreseen in advance. (Storey and Lesley, 2003, p. 124) Research Methods Both quantitative and qualitative analysis will be carried out. The research is based on a case study approach with primary data to be sourced within the period 2011-2012 (i.e., commencing the summer of 2011 up to 2012), from five regions in the Kingdom, covering both rural and urban areas. The urban areas are comprised of the Northern region (Taif), in the Najd (central) region (Riyadh), in Hejaz (western) region (Jeddah), and in Shargia (eastern) region (Dammam). The rural areas are comprised mainly of the southern region, (Al-Qunfizah, AL-Baha, Al-Wamer). The aforementioned areas were selected for their geographical dispersal throughout the Kingdom, in order to generate results that would be representative of the entire population as well as, each region and hopefully to capture sufficient variations reflective of cultural differences, to provide grounds for a relevant comparative analysis among the different regions. Furthermore, because some regions have more than one branch of BRJ, the choice of areas is also intended to capture the locations where BRJ has its greatest volume of clientele. ( Northern and Western region) The quantitative method is appropriate for looking at data capable of quantifiable measurement, which shall provide corroboration and support for the qualitative date gathered through the interviews. The quantitative method is crucial for this study to provide, together with documentary search, a form of data triangulation with the qualitative responses of the survey participants. Such triangulation is expected to enhance the reliability of the findings and will provide a deeper dimension to the subsequent analysis. The qualitative method (use of close-ended questions) is appropriate in this case when focusing on specific rural and urban areas and having to generate information about the characteristics of BRJ microfinance beneficiaries by using their demographic and microfinance profile (age, literacy, number of family, size and type, occupation, loan size, enterprise, income, consumption, savings, etc.) in other words providing information which draws a picture of the situation where micro finance is intervening. The qualitative method works inductively for building theory from observation which is appropriate for this study therefore, for the purposes of this study I will employ several qualitative research techniques such as formal interview and informal (conversations), and focus groups for the discussion of particular issues and in gathering more detailed descriptive answers to open-ended questions. Finally, participant observation as a way to add value to the research possibly through observing and interpreting the situation and reality of participants’ daily lives. Sample The study will employ the stratified random sampling method – stratified as to regional area or location- and within each area the sourcing shall be randomized. The target respondents shall be comprised of both current and ex-loanees. The survey of ex-loanees is intended to assess any changes in their economic and social situation as a result of their utilization of the loan and having received control over the earned income (if any). Current loanees will be surveyed to see what benefits they have received for BRJ in the short time span and how they perceive these benefits personally. The desired sample size has been determined to be 80 women (the representative sample size for each of the regions based on the total population who have availed of loans.) The western region and Northern regions host the largest number of microfinance recipients 29% and 25% respectively. Therefore the representative sample would be 30 participants from the Western region, 20 from the Northern region and 30 recipients will be interviewed from the Eastern, Southern, and Central regions in total. Bibliography Al-Ali, N. 2010. Feminist Approaches to Research. Lecture notes of December 2nd. Chishti, S. M. 2010. Islamic micro-finance: An Inclusive Financial System. Economic Review , Aug 2010, 41 (8), pp. 7-9 . Dhar, S. N .2010. Micro-finance for Women: Necessities, Systems and Perceptions. Northern Book Centre: New Delhi. Haque, M. S 2010/ The Microfinance Initiatives for Poverty Alleviation: Rhetoric and Reality in Bangladesh. PhD Dissertation. Hiroshima University. Karim, R. A. A. and Archer, S. 2007 Islamic Finance: The Regulatory Challenge. John Wiley & Sons. Iheduru, N. G. 2002. Women Entrepreneurship and Development: The Gendering of Microfinance in Nigeria. A paper presented at the 8th International Interdisciplinary Congress on Women, 21-26 July 2002, Makerere University, Kampala Uganda. (Cited in Nwanesi, 2006). Kabeer, N. 1992. Triple roles, gender roles, social relations: The Political sub-text of gender training. Brighton: Institute of Development Studies. Kabeer, N. 1994. Reversed Realities: Gender Hierarchies in Development. London: Verso. Kabeer, N. 1997. Women, wages and intra-household power relations in urban Bangladesh. Development and Change 28 (2), pp. 261-302. Kabeer, N. 1998. Money can’t buy me love: Re-evaluating gender, credit and empowerment in rural Bangladesh, Brighton: Institute of Development Studies. Kabeer, N. 2000. The Power to Choose: Bangladeshi Women and the Labour Market: Decisions in London and Dhaka. London: Verso. Leach, F. and Sitaram, S. 2002 . Microfinance and women's empowerment: a lesson from India. Development in Practice, Vol. 12 (5), pp. 575-588. Mayoux, L. 1997. Participatory Learning for Women’s Empowerment in Micro-financing Programmes: Negotiating Complexity, Conflict and Change. Available online at: http://www2.ids.ac.uk/impact/files/institutionalisation/Mayoux_particiaptory_learning.pdf Menon, U. 2000. Does Feminism Have Universal Relevance? The Challenges Posed by Oriya Hindu Family Practices. Daedalus 4 (129), pp. 77-99. Nwanesi, I.N. 2006. Development, Micro-Credit and Women’s Empowerment: A Case Study of Market and Rural Women in Southern Nigeria. PhD Dissertation, University of Canterbury, New Zealand. Accessed 12 November, 2010 from: http://ir.canterbury.ac.nz/bitstream/10092/958/1/thesis_fulltext.pdf Oakley, A. 1972. Sex, Gender and Society. London: Maurice Temple Smith. Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). 2006. Gender Equality and Social Institutions in Saudi Arabia. Accessed 10 November 2010 from http://genderindex.org/sites/default/files/pdfs/SAU.pdf Rowan-Campbell D. 1999. Development with women in Eade, D. (1999) (ed.) Development in Practice readers. Oxford: Oxfam. Rubin, G. 1975. The traffic in women: Notes on the political economy of sex. In R. Rayna (ed.) Toward an anthropology of women. New York: Monthly Review Press. Scheyvens, R. and Lesley, H. 2003. Development Fieldwork: a practical guide. London: Sage. Seibel, H D 2008. Islamic Microfinance in Indonesia: The Challenge of Institutional Diversity, Regulation, and Supervision. SOJOURN: Journal of Social Issues in Southeast Asia, Apr 2008, Vol. 23 Issue 1, p86-103; DOI: 10.1355/sj23.1d Wallace, T. and March, C. (eds). 1991. Changing Perceptions: writings on gender and development. Oxford: Oxfam. Woolcock, J.V. 1999. Learning From Failures in Micro-Finance. The American Journal of Economics and Sociology 58 (1) pp. 17-42. Young, K. 1993. Planning development with women: Making a world of difference. New York: St. Martin’s Press. Yunus, M. and Jolis, A. 2003. Banker to the Poor: The Autobiography of Muhammad Yunus, Founder of the Grameen Bank. London: Aurum. Read More