Slum Areas in Cairo and its Informal Housing - Term Paper Example

Student Name: Instructor’s Name: Class Name:: Date of Submission: Slum Areas in Cairo and its Informal Housing Introduction to slums The existence of slums remains highly undesirable; given the formidable conditions that dwellers have to put up with in a bid to survive. Unfortunately, the growth of slums has overwhelmed the efforts undertaken in enhancing city planning and resettlement to reduce the level of encroachment in these areas. The UN-HABITAT however asserts that there is so much that can be done in order to improve the situation in slums. This however can only be achieved if governments, NGOs and international aid agencies actually realize the real meaning of slums, the reason for their existence and why the slums’ population is expected to continue growing if adequate measures are not taken to save the situation. What therefore defines a slum? The term slum has received different meanings since it was first coined in the 1820s. During this time, the term slum identified the poorest housing and most unsanitary conditions; an asylum for marginal activities including drug and abuse among other vices; probable source of epidemics that affected urban residents; and any other sort of place that would not be considered decent or wholesome. In the contemporary world, the term slum has been diluted and is thus considered loose and deprecatory; having acquired many meanings and connotations in a bid to describe it in a more ‘sensitive’, ‘academic’ and ‘politically correct’ manner. Slums have been described as vast informal settlements which are growing rapidly and being termed as the manifestation of urban poverty in developing nations. There are a number of reasons put forth about the existence of slums, often defined as the forces behind the growth of slums. Among the most common causes include increased rural-urban migration; increasing poverty and inequality in urban areas; globalization; and insecure tenure; all which have contributed to the creation and slum continuation (UN-HABITAT 2). Notably, agriculture in developing countries has deteriorated significantly and more residents are thus migrating to urban areas in search of opportunities, thus leading to increased demographic growth in urban areas (UN-HABITAT 2). In some countries such as Mozambique and Angola, political conflict may drive urban migration as residents seek to find safer urban areas (UN-HABITAT 2). It is estimated that African countries will by 2030 cease to be rural countries and that over half of the population may be living in towns. The same trend is witnessed in other countries which are rapidly urbanizing. With increasing influx of people into the urban areas, the management systems used by city planners are increasingly becoming unable to cope adequately. Introduction to Cairo slums The slums in Greater Cairo (GC) are subdivided into 4 types including: slums that result from informal settlements on land that was previously used for agriculture, informal settlements which are placed on former desert state land, slums originating from deteriorated historic core and slums resulting from deteriorates urban pockets. These types of slums are presented as Type A, Type B, Type C and Type D respectively and their occurrence in Cairo is illustrated by the figure below: Typology Population % of the total GC population % of total GC residential are Type A Informal Settlements on Former Agricultural Land 6,434,000 56.4% 46.1% Type B Informal Settlements on Former Desert State Land 6,434,000 56.4% 46.1% Type C Deteriorated Historic Core n.a. > 4% n.a. Type D Deteriorated Urban Pockets n.a. > 1% n.a. Type A slums This typology represents informal settlements that were originally agricultural land but where private residential buildings have been put up. The main characteristic is that the land used for construction was originally bought from farmers in areas where subdivision plans did not exist and building permits were not given (Sims 6). It is mostly believed that this type of slum should not actually be referred by the term ‘slum’; given that this typology comprises of more than half of Greater Cairo’s population. Accordingly, it cannot be considered a marginal phenomenon in the country. However, the developments also defy the term ‘squatting’ and ‘invasion’. The type A slums, which originally began in the 1960s were mostly exhibited in the form of subdivision of land by farmers and middlemen; which were then sold to owner-builders (Sims, 6). This was mostly fuelled by the open door policy of 1974 which led to increased remittances from Egyptian laborers working in the Gulf. At first, the government was quite reluctant and the land continued to be subdivided as buildings were erected without permits. It was not until 1978 that the government started implementing strict measures to curb the illegal subdivision of land, upon the realization that the scarce agricultural land was being depleted. Type B slums These are slums that emanated from private residential development on desert state land or vacant state land as citizens acquired land in what was known as ‘hand claim’ (Sims 6). The occurrence of these slums varies widely across the country. In Manshiet Nasser for example, the slum started as a site meant for relocation of garbage collectors and slum dwellers while in Ezbet El Haggana, the area was a hamlet where families of coast guard solders stayed (Sims 6). With time, people started holding the land in the face of continued neglect by the government. The held land was eventually walled off and sold to new owners and as more subdivisions were made, more people settled in these areas. As opposed to Type A where absolutely no legal paper work was involved, Type B slums were supported by customary laws which give interpretations pertaining to hand claims, even though the sale of these areas can be considered illegal (Sims 6). Type C slums These consist of historic villages that were once occupied before Cairo’s expansion after 1860 and which were the result of confused ownership. The old, crowded and deteriorated structures are mostly occupied by the poor. These slums are however declining as development continues to replace these old structures. Examples include El Gamalia, Darb el Ahmar, parts of El Khalifa, Boulaq Abou Aala and Masr el Qadima (Sims 6). Type D slums This typology consists of deteriorated buildings, especially those developed in the 20th century. The houses which consist of 1-3 storey buildings are mostly inhabited by poor families; seeking the cheapest possible housing (Sims 7). Most of these pockets are located in precarious land tenures in which wisdom of serious investment in housing was basically absent. Examples can be found in Masr el Qadima, Teraa el Towfiqia and Hekr Sakakini in el Wali (Sims 7). Like Type C slums, these are gradually being eliminated with increasing development. Challenges Slum development continues to be a major menace in urban areas, with a host of challenges being associated with this growth. To begin with, the rising population of slum dwellers is expected to cause congestion in the urban areas, thus leading to limited resources (Khalifa, 41). Meeting housing demand is likely to be difficult as the supply is increasingly exceeded by demand (The Cities Alliance 7). This is coupled with the Greater Cairo Metropolitan Area which faces challenges in system efficiency, provision of public services and transport. Other challenges include traffic congestion and pollution (Cities Alliance 6). Environmental sustainability also becomes a challenge due to congestion (Khalifa 41). Slums are generally characterized by unplanned and substandard housing; poor security and foulness. The UN-HABITAT describes a slum as a run-down area in an urban setting where housing, security and cleanliness are considered substandard (UN-HABITAT 1). While the nature of slums may vary from one region to another, it is notable that they are generally inhabited by socially disadvantaged and poor people; who build shacks and semi-permanent houses; and have to deal with insecurity, lack of clean water, sanitation and electricity among other basic services (Khalifa 41). The UN Expert Group defines number of characteristics associated with slums including inadequacy of safe water, inadequate access of sanitation, poor housing quality, overcrowding and insecurity in residential areas and inadequacy of basic infrastructure. These are characteristics that are considered quantifiable and which can be used in achieving the Millennium Development Goal of improving the livelihoods of approximately 100 million slum residents by the year 2020. The problems identified above indicate that slums a real liability and a challenge for effective development within a country. History and the Causes Majority of slums in Cairo originated from the explosive population growth recorded after World War II (Sims, 2011, 14). The lack of an independent local administration, was particularly significant in the development of slums, due to lack of organized control of utilities and proper planning mechanism (Sims, 2011, 14). The mid 1960s however, mark a significant date in the development of slums; a factor triggered by little official resistance to illegal and informal subdivision and construction in urban agricultural lands due to increased rural-urban migration (Sims, 2011, 14). These slums started developing from the satellite villages, existing at the time due to unregulated rural housing and uncontrolled development. The military conflict between 1967 and 1973 froze Cairo’s formal development as the war consumed most of the available financial resources (2011, 15). On the contrary, demographic growth was not static and its growth continued unabated. The growth of informal settlement continued to rise, with the problem being elevated by the Canal Zone evacuees who were housed in low cost housing by the government in the 1960s and 70s, thus adding to the demographic growth (Abdelhalim 3). The urban fringe areas which were already substantially subdivided were sold within this time period, thus expanding the urban population beyond its limit. This was triggered by the Open Door policy and the liberal government which led to increased informal growth on agricultural land. The growth of slums in Cairo was further enhanced by the Gulf States’ oil boom which attracted more informal settlers in Cairo (Sims, 2011, 15-16). By the 1980s, the urban environment was characterized by informal areas, which were ideally overlooked by the government; which was busy developing new cities and modernizing infrastructure in the formal areas (Abdelhalim 3). The main cause of slums in Cairo can be said to be the centralization of the economy in the city; which is also the capital of Egypt. According to Sims (2003, 3), Cairo contributes to approximately half of the nation’s Gross Domestic Product. The government has also been reluctant to decentralize the government, which remains highly concentrated in the capital. Most of the companies in the private sector and industries are also centered in the capital, such that it is the focal point of the country’s economy (The Cities Alliance 6). Besides the formal sector, the informal economy is immense and small and micro-enterprises exist in hundreds of thousands. In addition, the capital Cairo is a rich tourist economy and is often considered the region’s centre for conferences. It therefore, goes without saying that most of Egypt’s population is likely to be situated in the urban areas, as they search for jobs. The estimated Greater Cairo Region (GCR) was estimated to be home to 8.3 million people in the informal settlements as established by the Participatory Development Program in Urban Areas (PDP); exceeding the estimates by four times. In 2005, the estimated population in the GCR was 59 percent of the total 6.2 million informal inhabitants in Egypt. In 2007, figures by the Ministry of Local Government indicated that 1171 informal areas existed in Egypt, and that GCR housed 40 percent of the total population of 15 million in informal inhabitants. Despite the constant growth of informal settlements in Cairo, it is only recently that the government has recognized the deterioration and under-service of urban residential areas; noting the poor planning and increased illegal settlement. According to Abdelhalim (3-4), the concern about the development of slums was first recognized in the 1990s, when the informal areas were considered as a security threat that triggered terrorist activity. Since then, a series of developments have been conducted. These include a presidential campaign, meant to give attention to informal areas and promoting decent living conditions for habitats in these areas. A five year plans (2002-07 and 2008-12), aimed at addressing the issue of growing slum areas; and the formation of the ‘Building and Planning Law’ (no 119 for 2008), which effectively defined the informal sectors (Abdelhalim 4). In 2007, a ‘containment policy aimed at planning the fringes of the city was developed to prevent the informal settlements from engulfing the city. Following the rock slide that killed 45 residents and injured 57 in Manshiet Nasser, the focus on informal areas as potential threats took a forefront in the government and media debate, leading to the establishment of the Informal Settlements Development Fund (ISDF) to promote the improvement of conditions in informal sectors (PDP 4). Informal areas are being continually marginalized as city wide projects replace the informal sectors by other uses such as construction of traffic axes over them. Socio-Economic indicators in Cairo’s slums The conditions of the slums in Cairo may be described in the form of socio-economic indicators so as to establish the challenges that are likely to be witnessed in these areas. In the report by El-Zanaty and Way (3-6), based on a demographic and health survey conducted in 2003, various socio-economic indicators were discussed as follows: Housing type and tenure: In slum areas of Greater Cairo, approximately 84 percent live in apartments while over 51 percent rent the dwellings they stay in. Housing is often not considered an important aspect and actually 89 percent of the residents did not consider eviction as a possibility (El-Zanaty and Way 3). Housing characteristics: A majority of houses have electricity and it is notable that slum dwellers tend to pay less electricity. Gas however remains the main source of fuel being used by 98 percent of residents. Houses are generally crowded in terms of average number of rooms per family. Drinking water: While most households have access to piped water (97%), interruptions in supply are likely to trigger the use of unsafe water. According to El-Zanaty and Way (3), 40 percent reported water interruptions as opposed to 35% in urban areas. Toilet facilities: Basically all houses had flush toilets. 6 percent of households shared toilets and most toilets were found to be clean. Hand washing places: Most households (87%) have access to a hand washing place adjacent the toilet and 45 percent are likely to have a hand drying towel (El-Zanaty and Way 4). Waste disposal: 68% of households have their trash and kitchen waste collected from home, and 13% from a street container. Remaining households are likely to dispose waste off in the streets or empty plots. Household possessions: Inhabitants tend to own a considerable number of assets and other property. Slightly below 90% households had a television and refrigerator; while 80% had a washing machine. Over half have telephone while 20 percent had mobile phones (El-Zanaty and Way 5). Education: Females were generally less educated, with 31% being unable to read a simple sentence. Migration status: Majority of the residents had lived in the slum area since childhood. 57 percent of women had stayed in the slum areas although they may have originated from elsewhere. Mass media exposure: Almost all residents (98 percent) were exposed to one or more media channel weekly including newspapers, radio and TV. 96% are likely to watch television, 72% listen to radio and one fifth a newspaper or weekly magazine (El-Zanaty and Way 6). Recommendations Slums are not only unhealthy and risky for the health and safety of habitats but they also have an unpleasant impact on the country’s beauty. This insinuates that as long as more people continue to encroach in the urban areas, serious consequences including dangerous epidemics, poor sanitation, high crime rates and deteriorating urban housing are likely to be witnessed; hence the need to take action to curb the growth of slums (Abdelhalim 3). There is a possible way out of this sorry condition through implementing various action plans in curbing the growth of slums in the Greater Cairo as discussed in this section. Formalize housing in Cairo It has been established that the growth of slums can mostly be attributed to the failure of the government to regulate housing, thus leading to uncontrollable development (Sims, 2003, 3; Soliman and Soto 255). In this regard, the Egyptian government must work towards formalizing housing and property ownership in the capital (Soliman and Soto 254). This can be done through reducing the level of bureaucracy and land transaction constraints in order to reduce the need for full property title alternatives and simplifying building regulations (Soliman and Soto 251). The government should make rules governing the construction of houses and require that all land-owners acquire permits to own and erect buildings on the land. The local authorities need to come up with a proper city plan which should be implemented to ensure that all the houses constructed are within the required safety standards and within the required design. This way, informal settlements can be curbed and consequently the problem of slums would be eliminated. Resettling slum dwellers This is a solution that would require the government to come up with a plan to build better quality housing for the urban poor. An example can be given with the US housing reforms that were conducted in the in a bid to help out the urban poor. The housing reform movement in the 19th century had the objective of improving the conditions of the poor through model dwellings, enhancing building regulations, sanitation reforms and dispersal of the people from slums (Hoffman 17). Reformers mostly called for ‘model dwellings’ constructions, which ideally involved the construction of housing to replace the slum housing that was previously considered inadequate. Several housing units were constructed, with the first constructions being rented to African Americans who were previously living in the slums so as to improve their livelihoods (Hoffman 18). These morel dwellings not only enhanced the quality of sanitation but also assured profitability from the rent income and were therefore considered effective. This example is an illustration that with proper planning, the Egyptian government, corporations and non-governmental organizations could cooperate in building better houses for the urban poor so as to improve their livelihoods and eliminate the shanty houses found in the slums. Decentralization of the country economy Eliminating slums may be considered quite a challenge as long as all the industries in the country are located in major cities because the majority of adult population is expected to move there in search of employment opportunities (Sims, 2003, 3; Sims, 2011, 14). The solution therefore is to reduce the population in the slums through decentralization of industries, government operations, formal and informal organizations and economic activities. This means that the government should eliminate the idea of concentrating the economy in the major cities and thus aim at spreading the industries all over the country so that people can settle in these areas. This way, the population in Cairo can be controlled and so would the growth of slums; thus enabling proper planning in the capital. Works Cited Abdelhalim, Khaled. Participatory Development of Informal Areas: A Decision-makers’ Guide for Action, Egypt: Participatory Development Program in Urban Areas (PDP), 2010. Cities Alliance. Slum upgrading: Up close experiences of six cities, Washington, D. C., Cities Alliance, 2008. El-Zanaty, Fatma and Way.Ann, A, A profile based on the 2003 Egypt demographic and health Survey. Egypt: National Population Council, 2004. Hoffman, Alexander. The origins of American housing reform, UK: Harvard University, Joint Center for Housing Studies, 1998. Khalifa, Marwa A. Redefining slums in Egypt: Unplanned versus unsafe areas, Habitat International, 35.1( 2011): 40-49. Sims, David. Residential Informality in Greater Cairo: Typologies, Representative Areas, Quantification, Valuation and Causal Factors, 2011. Sims David. The case of Cairo, Egypt. Cairo, Egypt: St., Zamalek, 2003. Soliman, Ahmed M and Soto Hernando. A possible way out: formalizing housing informality in Egyptian citie., Lanham, Maryland, U. S: University Press of America Read More