Gulf Nations Dependence on Foreign Labor - Research Paper Example

Gulf Dependence on Foreign labor The member states of the Gulf have made promises over a period of more than 10 years that they would deal with their intensified dependence upon labor offered by foreigners. Contrary to the anticipations of some individuals, security predicaments did nothing to reduce the foreign labor dependence in the Middle East nations. The explanation to this is the resolution of the threats by terrorists towards the early 21st century as well as the fact that this region has the capacity to absorb a vast number of workers unlike the rest of the world. According to the estimates by the Minister for labor in Bahrain M.M. Al-Alawi, the number of foreign employees in the Gulf region would stand at 12 million by 2006. This as set out from 2006 would escalate by 15% per annum and be18 million in a dozen years. However, the extensiveness of the dependence of the Gulf countries on foreign labor is somehow uncertain due to the inadequacy of estimates. For instance, UN estimates that the Gulf States would retain a big number of foreign employees as a fraction of the entire population. The UN estimates have “Qatar holding the first position with about 70%, UAE1 at 68%, Kuwait at 49%, Bahrain at 38%, Oman at 26% and lastly, Saudi Arabia at 24%.”(Cordesman and Al-Rodhan 2006 p 159) However, other estimates have their figures differing from those of the UN. A general ranking may, therefore, be consistent where “UAE’s may range from 63-81%, Qatar’s from 60-75%, Kuwait’s from 55-65% Bahrain’s from 34-40%, Oman from 19-27% and finally Saudi Arabia’s from 21-30%.”(Cordesman and Al-Rodhan 2006 p 160) This is per year 2003 estimates. In terms of employee’s origin, it’s estimated that “1.4 million Indians came to Saudi Arabia and 1.0 million Indians came to the UAE in the year 2003. Indonesians, in the same period, were 250,000, and Sudanese nationals were also 250,000 in Saudi Arabia.” (Cordesman and Al-Rodhan 2006 p 160) The Indonesians and Sudanese especially served in the positions of drivers and servants. It’s expected that these numbers would not plummet and thus Saudi were more unlikely to replace them. “In year 2003 Asian workers in UAE were about 60%, in Qatar they stood at 36%, Saudi Arabia at 20% and in Kuwait at 9%. Arabs originating from other nations had a big stake in the employee-number. For example; in UAE they were 12%, Kuwait’ were 35%, Bahrain’s were 10% and Saudi Arabia’s were 6%.” (Cordesman and Al-Rodhan 2006 p 162)Most of these statistics show a common trend in that the past efforts were almost futile at diversifying the Gulf nations’ dependency upon foreign labor. From the figures, it can be proved that success was minimal almost in the entire Gulf. Saudi Arabia and Oman were the only Gulf States viewed as successful in reducing their dependence. Over the period of ten years up to 2003 Qatar and United Arab Emirates went contrary to their aim and eventually had the had the number of foreign workers swelling. These foreign employees had led to the social and economic pressures on the Gulf and it has also threatened the domestic security of this region.2 (Cordesman and Al-Rodhan 2006 pp 159-163) This study is going to have a close look in to the issue of the Gulf nations’ dependence on foreign labor. Based on the same some two questions will be answered comprehensively and these are, “What are the consequences of this in the Gulf?” and “Can the dependence be broken?” The states in the Southern side of the gulf are more so dependent upon foreign labor. Their own young nationals are left suffering due to the lack of jobs besides the work ethics and training that goes together. This predicament is usually believed to be as a result of poor policies of immigration in the region leading to ease in violation. Illegal immigrants can thus, obtain visas in exchange of money. Laws set also require major packages of benefits for the natives involved in labor provision and this makes it hard to hire or even fire these natives. To solve this problem countries result to foreign labor seeking.3 (Cordesman, 2004 p 137) It’s of ample importance to understand the issue of high dependence on foreign labor by Gulf States. In 2002, UNDP4 states that across the “Arab nations there was an unemployment rate of around 15%”(Rojewski 2004, p 127) and this was among the highest rates of unemployment across the globe. Thus, unemployment is still a predicament the Gulf States have to face despite their large dependency rate on foreign labor. Unemployment is particularly blamed on the high number of expatriates forming almost the entire labor force of these nations. Foreign labor force dependence is also highly pronounced in the Gulf countries. As per 2002, “75-80% of the nations’ labor force was outsourced from the foreign countries.” (Rojewski 2004, p 127) These workers were believed to target the Gulf States because they are oil rich and thus they were assured of higher job opportunities and high salaries as well. The foreigners would also respond to the strategies of the Gulf States’ government to attract a workforce to the industries. Differing structures of wages are set for both nationals and the non-nationals. Citizen of the Gulf nations are usually unwilling to offer their labor services at similar level of wages with non-citizens. The private industries prefer expatriates employees who are largely men and especially those who without families in the nations where they work. The workforce of expatriates constitutes two extremes of highly paid workers as well as lowly paid workers. The lowly paid are often contracted manual workers emanating from South Asian nations. On the other hand the highly paid are those workers who are managers, professionals and the technical experts. Most citizens of the Gulf States seek public service work mostly within the government enforcement agencies and the regulatory agencies. In the recent past, the government has had a constricted capacity to expand the public sector due to the slow growth of the economies besides the booming population growth rates. UAE is not left behind and it is no exception to the high dependency on foreign workers by Gulf countries. The work force sourced locally as per 2002 estimates was 10% and foreign labor was characterized by an almost limitless supply. The foreigners provided both the skilled as well as unskilled labor for the nation’s sustenance. The country had low unemployment rates as per the 1999 estimates, though. The approximation was that the unemployment rate was 1%. UAE was home to about 74% foreign employees most of whom were men supporting their families back in their home countries in the year 2002. “The nation’s oil sector was highly capital intensive and this employed a mere 1.6% of the workforce. The social, community and personal services employed about 39% while the retail, wholesale and maintenance sectors employed about 19%.”(Rojewski 2004, p 129) The citizens of UAE especially worked in the public sector where they worked in government ministries as well as other ministries as per 2001. They constituted approximately 45% of the public sector’s labor force. During the same year (2001) “nationals working in the private sector of UAE were just 2% and in the banking sector they were 20%.”(Rojewski 2004, p 129) Therefore, the Gulf nations are unique while contrasted to other developed and developing nations in terms of high dependency levels on foreign labor. Several factors have been attributed to the over-reliance on foreign labor force. These may include low rates of participation by females in the labor force due to their social and religious norms, big number of the youthful population proportion and the relatively minute number of citizens as a ratio to the whole population, the high economic growth rates in the previous 20 years as a result of high sales revenues from oil improving the technological quality, qualities of infrastructure and life and lastly, the negative attitudes socially toward the technical and manual work by citizens. The taking part of women in the waged labor force in the entire Gulf region in the past has been minimal. In 1997 the “females participating in the labor force were 25% in Kuwait, Qatar’s was 22% Bahrain’s was 21%, UAE’s was 19%, Saudi Arabia’s 10% and 9% in the country of Oman.” (Rojewski 2004, p130) The participation has been to escalate in nations like UAE, Kuwait and Qatar where females are rising in proportion. Mostly these women are enrolled in the education sector and especially the higher education. Females in the workforce particularly involve themselves in nursing and other health-oriented jobs, teaching and especially primary education jobs, financing as well as banking and government ministerial jobs. The religious and social norms are the reason for the trend in women participation in the labor force. Both the restriction and legal policies encourage females to indulge themselves in the employment and also seek education in most Gulf States so as to reduce the dependence upon foreign laborers and thus, the policies cannot be cited to be the reason for their low participation. The less conservative Gulf nations are changing the picture of low participation by women in the labor force. These are the likes of Qatar, Bahrain, UAE and Kuwait where women from the majority enrollments in colleges and are also being absorbed in the private and public employment sectors. Social welfare is also seen as a dictator to the trends of high dependence levels on foreign workers. The governments are the ones which basically dictate how to utilize, distribute and consume the wealth. The citizens of the Gulf nations, therefore, do not have to play any role in the wealth generation or production through employment. The countries have an overall comprehensive system of social welfare operated by the federal agencies of the nations. These ensure that citizens in need are catered for such as orphans, the elderly, unmarried or divorced women, widows, expatriates wives, married students and families of prisoners. The governments take care of them by providing with health care, housing, social security benefits and education among other basis needs. Thus, there’s no need for nationals to seek jobs for income generation as well as wealth. In UAE as well as other oil rich states of the Gulf there’s no particularly direct connectivity between work and wealth, thus, the high reliance on foreign laborers. Nationals of the Gulf countries are very opposed to certain jobs and have a negative attitude to them. These may include; agriculture, manual labor or crafts that make dirty one’s hands. Such jobs are taken as demeaning and are associated to people of a lower class in the society status. In case of anything, they are avoided at all costs. Subsequent to the attitudes stated, education that’s technical as well as vocational training associated with all manual work is likewise associated with people of a lower status. The education is viewed as of lesser value than the academic education of social sciences and humanities. The employment policies by the government which promises jobs for citizens in the public sector and administrative tasks lead to high reliance upon foreign workers for both production and menial jobs.5 (Rojewski 2004, pp 127-131) Economic Consequences of Foreign Labor Dependence Lack of befitting welfare, education and a work ethic that’s weak as well as high dependence of labor from foreigners is leaving some countries in the Gulf without new employment opportunities for their young people. Both direct as well as disguised unemployment levels are high. “Usually more than 25% unemployment levels for countries with a big population of youth where about 60% of the citizens are below 25 years.” (Iram, et al 2006 p 125) The capacity to finance the high rise in oil production by the Gulf countries, while at the same time addressing the predicament brought about by high population levels has made even greater economic problems. This calls for the Gulf States to make the necessary investments, private investment and foreign investment, to diversify and reform their economies and direct their efforts towards reducing high population growth rates.6 (Iram, et al 2006 pp 125-126) “The period running from 1980-1990 had the Gulf nations’ employment rise to an even high yearly rate of more than 7.5%. This was thrice the employment rate in the period running from 1990-1994.” (Rivlin 2001 p76) The dismal employment growth in the previous period was much attributed to the rapid rise in expatriates after the crisis in the Gulf and the fall in investment levels. “Over the period 1980-1990, employment development was characterized by a falling stake of the Gulf nations’ nationals in the workforce. That is 35% in year 1980 to 25% in year 1990. From 1980-1990 the population of expatriates rose from 65-75% and that’s in other terms 3 million -7milllion employees approximately. During the same period the Gulf countries citizens formed only a 20% of the rise in employment levels. In comparison, expatriates workers constituted about 80%.”(Rivlin 2001 p76) Economically the presence of non-citizens in the labor force was viewed to have a negative consequences altogether. Their population didn’t decline despite the fall in revenues from oil and when the Gulf region economies stagnated. The foreigners adapted themselves to the economic fluctuations and their employers were as well not ready to eliminate them. The employers still had to make their remittances, while the outlays associated with services provision to the non-citizens also increased. This was made worse as these foreigners started to bring their families to the Gulf countries. Their intention of staying was seen as either long-term or permanently. The immigrants coming from the southern side of Asia were more mobilized by their employment agencies for particular projects, even though the foreigners took unappealing jobs in terms of status. “In the period 1994-1996 as the entire population in the Gulf increased by 7%, that of indigenous people increased by 5.4% but that of foreigners at 10%. The 10% population growth of foreigners translated to a rise by 900,000 individuals.” (Rivlin 2001 p76) “In year 1994, the population of foreigners formed 36% of the Gulf nations’ population and in the year 1996, it constituted 37%.”(Rivlin 2001 p76) Ironically, the countries had instituted measures to curb the high rate of growth of foreigners’ population growth. The replacement of citizens by foreigners in the labor force was characterized by non-Gulf countries’ Arabs substituting the nationals because locals concentrated on the public sector which was attractive according to nationals. Employees from Southern Asia were concentrated in construction, production and maintenance tasks. To counter the big rise in foreigners the Gulf nations’ governments called for the essentiality of substituting foreigners with citizens. This was a reaction to the rise in population that resulted to the rise in the labor force. The rise in the proportion of foreigners in the Gulf States as laborers has had a negative effect on the nations’ balance of payments. For example, “during the period 1990-1995, the remittances by expatriates were approximated at US $21 billion per annum. This was twice the amount of 1980 to 1989.” (Rivlin 2001 p 77) These expatriates also took in a rising share of the earnings from exports by the Gulf nations. For instance, “in the period 1980-1989, they formed 13% of the exports by the Gulf States and in 1990 to 1996, their share was 26%.” 7(Rivlin 2001 p76, 77) Social Consequences of Over-Reliance on Foreign Labor Studies have been conducted on the implication of dependence on foreign labor by Gulf States in general by El- Haddad a scholar and others. The studies show that dependency on foreign laborers has a negative effect on Arab Gulf states and this is inclusive of the negative impacts of maids from foreign countries upon the family. The implications and consequences are usually focused on the high dependence upon foreign laborers as well as foreign maids. These look at the direct relationship between the Arab –Family and the foreign workers especially on the children and Arab youth. Scholars assume that the relations have major consequential implications upon the values of Arabs as well as language. They write that they cause negative effects on the behavior of Arab children. Some authors say that the negative effect happens on the Arabs families in entirety. This is due to the fact that men of the Gulf countries may be encouraged to marry foreign ladies who act as maids. This could reduce the event of their marrying women from the Gulf region. The studies show that the presence of foreign laborers also impacts on the socialization of Gulf families. This is due to the fact that most of the domestic servants do not have the appropriate training to aid in the raising of children or even to care for them. Therefore, characteristics of the servants would affect the children such as language, education and religion. This dysfunction is one of the major predicaments facing most Gulf nations’ families. (El –Haddad, et al, 2003) The rising pressure upon the job market put across social, economic and political hurdles for the Small Gulf Nations. Macro-economically the handles are seen to be three; Firstly, the labor market segmentation is highly inefficient as well as declining productivity. For example, the private sector opts to import employees rather than taking up an investment in the costly technology and capital-intensive market. Secondly, the political economies of the Gulf States are welfare oriented regarding matter to do with the state. Due to this feature, the increasing unemployment levels and the abrupt rise in population levels have made the budgetary costs higher. The budgetary pressure is further increased by the fact that foreign population immigrating to the region is catered for socially and health wise. Therefore, the foreign workforce raises the welfare costs. Thirdly, the challenge posed is the fall in national revenues over the long-run. This is particularly brought about by the foreign citizens’ contribution to the governments’ revenues being too minute. For instance, “the remittances by foreign workers constitute a mere 10% to the GDP.” (Shaham, 2009) Westernization alongside the rise in foreigners generally is seen to have a negative impact on the Gulf region since they threaten their local fabric. This means that the small Gulf nations would lose their local identities. Most of the foreign employees are usually taken as cleaners, cooks and nannies and these positions are viewed as symbols of their status. The foreign servants, like those of UAE, often outnumber the members of the families. The foreign servants changed the role of families traditionally. Teachers have been heard to complain about the inability of the children to speak Arabic especially those brought up by the nannies from Asia. Political Consequences of Dependence upon Foreign Labor On the political front, the dynamics of labor are portrayed to lead to tensions. This is more so because they are a test on the governments’ of Gulf countries ability to improve their nationals’ standards of employment, living as well as privileges distinguishing them from foreigners. Due to foreign employees people have raised concerns on their countries’ security. Some of these have aided in political assassinations, coup attempts and also terrorist attacks. They are seen as potential danger since they act as political agents to their hosts leading to political turmoil. The migration due to labor also causes an impact on the foreign policy of the Small Gulf Nations. Over the 1960s through 1970s the Gulf countries policy on immigration was used to show commitment when it came to common courses of the community of Arabs. (Shaham, 2009) Can the dependence be broken? The high dependence upon foreign labor by the Gulf countries can be reduced and as a matter of fact some nations have put in place some measures. Even though these measures haven’t been seen to reduce the dependence a great deal at least they have offered some solution and created way for further innovation. For instance, according to Kapiszewski some measures are notable. The author notes some proposals to achieve the set objectives. In certain professions quotas for expatriates and citizens have been put in place, there are the retirement plans by the states for their citizens and also wage subsidies. These have particularly been targeted at the private sector where retirement plans are set parallel to changes and fees upon foreign labor to reduce its competitiveness. Private firms surpassing or being able to reach the set requirements of quotas have not been left unnoticed. They have been offered rewards in public tenders. The limited success through nationalization of the private sector has been blamed on some reasons. The private sector is perceived to offer unattractive employments to nationals. They usually offer very low salaries, poor work environment and has the employee working for very long hours. Further, the private sector is viewed to offer demeaning job tasks where citizens are not willing to lower their social status. The other predicament is that citizens have a culture that doesn’t encourage entering low skilled positions of jobs and also the system of education in the Gulf region is not well set to deal with the predicament of re-orienting traditional values of work. (Kapiszewski, 2006) The GCC 8states face a similar predicament: one of over-dependence upon foreign laborers. Thousands of immigrants originating from Bangladesh, Philipines, India and Pakistan usually provide the highest foreign labor in the big oil rigs and also constructing buildings. In the Gulf of Persia, UAE, Qatar and Bahrain especially suffer a lot from the work place imbalances. The political circles in the Gulf nations have thus been involved in intensified debates over the expected harm on their Arab society. Expatriate employees, who are largely foreign workers, have been implicated with the negative effects on the Arabic society. Nationals of the Gulf States have cited degradation of their national identities as well as their Arabic culture more so by South Asia laborers. The achievement of a lower foreigners’ participation in the menial and blue collar jobs remains break. Foreign workers still retain their jobs due to the law of petropolitics where nationals of the Gulf States are provided with high level subsidies. Therefore, the nationals still are not attracted to these jobs and which majority of foreign hold. Several ways have been used by the Gulf nations to deal with the demographic problem. More experimental policies are also being attempted. Some of these policies may include “Qatarization” and Saudization”. These two call for companies to offer jobs to a certain percentage of citizens employees involved in white-collar jobs. The issue here is to have locals being involved in industrialization job tasks. However, the low motivation in their education system in technical training and low emphasis on young individuals has greatly hampered the efforts. Further, on the issue of blue –collar jobs the states of the Gulf region have became stricter on issues to do with immigration. In UAE, for example, layoffs are more common and visas of foreign laborers are automatically taken away when they are fired. Only a 30 day grace period is offered to these foreigners to secure new employers to sponsor them. Failure to this the laborers are deported. Following this, most of the expatriates working in the region run away in the Emirates- leaving cars and homes, once they are fired from a job. The dependence upon foreign workers can be broken since most of the states in the Gulf have put up measures individually and as a group. “Taking Saudi Arabia, in its sixth plan for development in the period running from 1995-2000, 320,000 foreign workers” (Stratfor, 2009) who were expatriates would be done away with and Saudis would take up their positions. Similar attempts were also evident in other Gulf States like Oman and Bahrain, to make indigenous the labor force. However, little success was reported. Another nation, UAE, had launched regulations to fight the same problem putting in place a condition that expatriates would be required to attain a set minimum wage to be let to bring in their families. Charges associated with health for the same expatriates would also be raised. Kuwait, another Gulf state charged high fees for visas to cater for outlays by expatriates. There was also a draft by Kuwait in 1995 to make fewer the number of recruited foreign laborers. (Stratfor, 2009) Also, some of the nations in the Gulf have as a consequential measure started to launch nationalization programs. These are aimed at nationalizing the workforce as well as reduce the reliance on foreign laborers in the Gulf nations. During the times of oil boom, the citizens of these countries were assured public sector employment with reasonable wages. However, as oil prices started to decline unemployment rates rose in nations like Bahrain, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait.9 (IOM 2003, p 1) Further, the dependency on foreign workers is set to be broken since as of 2007 there were measures put across as proposals to realize the objective. One of them was in the website of Arabian Business.com. Here many expatriates working in the Gulf would lose their jobs and return to their homes as well if proposals by Bahrain were passed on to the Gulf countries summit which was to take place in December of 2007. The Bahrain kingdom would bring into discussion a motion in Doha where a six- year residency cap would be put in place upon all the expatriates who worked in the Gulf region. This was triggered by the efforts to stamp out the local cultures erosion and to reduce unemployment among citizens. This cap was to force out most of “about 13 million expatriates” (Bowman, 2007) living and working in the Gulf region. It would be so unfortunate because most of these expatriate workers had had their families join them in the Gulf. The then labor minister for Bahrain Al-Alawi argued that most of the foreign laborers in the Gulf region were from different backgrounds as regards Social and cultural upbringing and which couldn’t be merged with the local cultures. The foreign workers were so widespread that in some areas one could not differentiate whether they were Asian districts or Arabs Muslim districts. Therefore, there was immense culture erosion in the region. It was believed thus, that the proposal’s success would aid in achieving the objective of declining the levels of foreign laborers in the Gulf countries. These were the members of GCC which include; Saudi Arabia, UAE, Bahrain, Oman, Qatar and Kuwait. These GCC members states were to a high extent dependants of foreign laborers to steer their then booming economies ahead. The foreigners occupied blue collar jobs as well as the-so-called white-collar jobs, (that’s from menial tasks to executives of companies). In many Gulf-member states the expatriates were significantly more than citizens and according to Newswire’s estimates on statistics there were “about 35milllion people in the GCC of whom 37% were foreign laborers.” (Bowman, 2007) All of the aforementioned Gulf States were thus aiming at reducing their over-reliance upon expatriates. Their success was varying, though. They had a lot of schemes meant to attract citizens to getting into jobs taken by non-nationals. Quotas were also being set for companies to follow while recruiting employees. However, this move brought about by Bahrain was the most severe to tackle the high unemployment rates of nations. “In Saudi Arabia unemployment stood at 11% as per 2007 estimates, Bahrain was about 4% while in the UAE about 47.7% females and 32.6% male emirates were unemployed.” (Bowman, 2007) Conclusion and Recommendations While concluding and in pursuance of answering the questions, “What are the consequences of this in the Gulf?” and “Can the dependence be broken?” , things that the Gulf states have to learn is that it remains insecure in all major aspects (that’s social, political and economic) if at all they don’t look into such issues as will be stated. These are; Insecurity will remain in the area if the youth are not offered worthwhile careers as well as an insurance of fairness in wealth distribution; Job creation calls for low dependence upon foreign labor, but in terms of security foreigners have to get more protection, enhanced rights and reasonable wages; Domestic investment and education is the only way to expect that natives will offer competitive labor worldwide. Yet, the above stated resolutions cannot function on their own if at all the disparities of wealth distribution across states is not considered and also to enhance world competitiveness of their labor markets women shouldn’t be sidelined. (Cordesman, 2009) To ensure change, the Gulf nations have to come up with measures to transform their economies. For instance they would reduce their over-dependence on oil. To change their labor market and curb the predicament of high dependence on foreign laborers, the countries have to put up measures to meet the demanding technical occupational forces by their labor markets. These nations must emphasize on the essentiality of industrial and technical education by their nationals for assurance in easiness while adopting technology and experience from the rest of the world. These measures cannot function on their own thus have to be in agreement with the reorientation of efficient management and monitoring of the job market as well as employment policies. The countries in the Gulf should also ensure industrialization so as reduce dependence upon foreign labor. These new ways of industrialization should bridge well and co-ordinate with the human resource policies of planning and strategies. Due to the smallness in their population, regional as opposed to national training, educational and research institutions should be set up. They should also take up the advantage brought about by partnerships and joint ventures with foreign firms.10 (Abdelkarim, 1999 p 159) Work cited: Abdelkarim Abbas. Change and development in the Gulf. Palgrave Macmillan, 1999. Andrzej Kapiszewski. Arab versus Asian Migrant Workers in the GCC Countries. 2006. Retrieved April 20, 2009 http://74.125.47.132/search?q=cache:ytnlLxK6uEMJ:www.un.org/esa/population/ meetings/EGM_Ittmig_Arab/P02_Kapiszewski.pdf+measures+to+reduce+depend ence+on+foreign+labor+by+gulf+countries&cd=14&hl=en&ct=clnk&gl=ke Bowman Dylan. Millions of expats could be kicked out of Gulf. This email address is being protected from spam bots, you need Javascript enabled to view it 2007. Retrieved April 20, 2009 http://www.arabianbusiness.com/501348-millions-of-expats-could-be- kicked-out-of-gulf Cordesman, Anthony H. Security Challenges and Threats in the Gulf: A Net Assessment. 2009. Retrieved April 20, 2009 http://www.csis.org/index.php?option=com_csis_pubs&task=view&id=4400 Cordesman, Anthony H. and Al-Rodhan, Khalid R. The changing dynamics of energy in the Middle East. Greenwood Publishing Group, 2006. Cordesman, Anthony H. and Center for Strategic and International Studies(Washington, D.C.). Energy developments in the Middle East. Greenwood Publishing Group, 2004. El-Haddad, et al. Major trends affecting families in the gulf countries. 2003. Retrieved April 19, 2009 http://74.125.47.132/search?q=cache:X_2pYoMnNYAJ:www.un.org/esa/socdev/f amily/Publications/mtelhaddad.pdf+can+dependence+on+foreign+labor+by+gulf +countries+be+reduced%3F&cd=6&hl=en&ct=clnk&gl=ke International Organization for Migration. Labour migration: trends, challenges and policy responses in countries of origin. International Org. for Migration, 2003. Iram, Yaacov. et al. Educating toward a culture of peace. IAP, 2006 Rivlin, Paul. Economic policy and performance in the Arab world. Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2001. Rojewski, Jay W. International perspectives on workforce education and development. IAP, 2004. Shaham, D. Foreign Labor in the Arab Gulf: Challenges to Nationalization. 2009. Retrieved April 19, 2009 http://74.125.47.132/search?q=cache:wjJ45xzHMOoJ:www.ciaonet.org/journals/a ln/v2008i10/f_0013109_10677.pdf+can+dependence+on+foreign+labor+by+gulf +countries+be+reduced%3F&cd=8&hl=en&ct=clnk&gl=ke Startfor.Com. Gulf States: Labor Policies, Financial Crisis and Security Concerns. 2009. Retrieved April 20, 2009 http://www.stratfor.com/analysis/20090224_gulf_states_labor_policies_financial_ crisis_and_security_concerns Read More