Zomia Interactions with Thailand Politics - Research Paper Example

How the Zomia interacts with Thailand politics Thailand has seen been a victim of major political crisis and its location in the southern part of Asia has been a factor addressed by many scholars while establishing the underpinning elements of the crisis. The nature of leadership, as shaped by the countrys historical background, provides a source of insight to the political elements that have befallen this nation in the recent past. The rise of the red shirts and the yellow shirts is an area of concern for understanding Thailand misery. The debates inspiring the red and the yellow camps have been the driving factors behind the protests that have common in this nation. The 2006 coup de tat and other physical elements have been attributed to the two camps. The strategic position of Thailand in Zomia has been seen as a key element that has shaped the nature of politics of this nation, as some elements of the past are still prevalent. Background Thailand is situated in the epicenter of Indochina peninsula in the Southeastern part of Asia. Thailand politics has attracted attention all over the world. It has a monarchy kind of leadership with the current leader being King Bhumibol Adulyalje, Rama IX (McCargo & Hongladarom, 2004). The king has served the country since 1946 and has been termed all over the world as the longest serving personality in his capacity as the head of state. His monarch has served the longest in the history of monarchy in Thailand. The nation is at present ruled by a military junta that seized power in 2014. The politics in Thailand are characterized by a number of elements as influenced by the culture of the one Zomia and those from the lowlands. The recent political crisis in the country since the wake of 2005 has seen the onset of two perspectives; the yellow shirts and the red shirts (CNN, 2008). People’s Alliance for Democracy (PAD) and the Peoples Power Party (PPP) have played a big role in the recent political crisis. The conflict between the two parties would later translate to a conflict between Democratic Party led by the Prime Minster Abhisit Vejjajiva government and the National United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship (UDD). UDD followers normally dress in Red Shirts while PAD followers dress in Yellow shirts (BBC, 2012). The yellow color is preordained to embody the royal aspect of the reigning king of the nation. The UDD red code is a sign of support to Thaksin Shinawatra, a deposed prime minister. The Yellow and the Red shirts Thailand is a center of two bitter camps, the Red Shirts, and the Yellow Shirts. The birth of the color codes is more dependent on political events in Thailand and beyond. The nation has not been structured into a stable democracy having had a monarch in power since 1946. The year 2006 was a political turning point for Thailand. Year 2006 saw an event that was characterized by a military coup (BBC, Thai PM deposed in military coup, 2006). This involved the yellow shirts that surged a force that was behind the coup. They were behind the protests that steered and materialized the military coup. The coupled with protests that were meant to spell support to the ousted prime minister. The red shirts were born and despite the leader being deposed, the allegiance of the red shirts was extended to the ousted Prime Minister’s sister Yingluck Shinawatra (BBC, Profile: Thailands reds and yellows, 2012). The debate between the red and the yellow camp would be better understood by examining the factors motivating their positions and arguments. Some hail from Zomia as others reside in the lowlands. They experience and embrace different cultures that define what type of leadership they aspire (Scott, 2009). Their differences in terms of agenda define the situations in the streets and home in terms of political positions, peace and general economic progress. A nation would be shaped by the nature of approaches applied to leadership and beyond (Dayley & Neher, 2010). A close analysis of the two sides would reveal the type leadership the people of Thailand aspire to have in the long-term perspective. Debate behind the Red Shirts The red camp members are the advocates of the policies laid down by UDD. The party had a desire for democracy and would oppose any elements of Dictatorship in the country. The red shirts believe that the former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra had the policies that represented the best interests of the people of Thailand. Their major concern revolves around the elements expressed by the urban and military elite in terms of leadership (BBC, Thai PM deposed in military coup, 2006). They tend to have an upper hand in Thai politics and tend to pose a danger to democracy. The red camp believes in freedom of choice when it comes to leadership. It should be exercised in a manner that allows democracy to prevail. People should have leaders of their choice elected through a democratic approval. The sense of the power of majority should not be suppressed. Those in control of such key areas as the military and resources should not exploit their positions to oppress the less fortunate. The red camp would present a scenario that happened first place. The ousting of the prime minister in a military coup in 2006 was a clear indication that the urban and military elite were ridiculing democracy. They would take leadership by force without involving the Thai people. Thanksin, the ousted Prime Minster would represent democracy as his election was based on the idea of the will of the people. The red camp would declare a state of emergency in the sense of need for democracy in a nation that has been under the rule of a monarch since 1946 (Michaud, 2009). People from various occupations characterize the red camp. The rural workers hailing from outside Bangkok, business people, students and left-wing activists (BBC, Profile: Thailands reds and yellows, 2012). The groups mentioned here would see the benefits that came with Thaksin leadership. He had policies that worked for the poor and the rich. The rural farmers and those in the urban would benefit from his funding in such areas a healthcare and education (BBC, Profile: Thailands reds and yellows, 2012). The less fortunate that form the vast majority of the Thai population would realize the basic elements that were once meant for the rich. Access to medicare would be a priority for any leader and Thaksin could not ignore that. A healthy population would mean a healthy economy for Thailand. There would be reduced spending on such areas as extensive care to patients if there were preventive measures that were established to curb the causes (Dayley & Neher, 2010). Thaksin would establish social amenities in the form of hospitals and schools. His policies would underscore the role of education in a system. It would extend the level of literacy in various areas and open more doors to people who would use the acquired skills and knowledge to better themselves economically. Thai people from the rural areas could access education under the leadership of Thaksin. He would offer a chance for the poor to empower themselves (Dayley & Neher, 2010). Moreover, they were conscious of the rights in terms of leadership and other aspects. The protests of the red shirts would continue even when Thaksin had no chance of getting back in power. Their support and allegiance would remain in the event of the new elections after the coup. Those from the rural areas would extend their support to allies of Thaksin so that they emerged victorious after the elections. They would want the policies of Thaksin become a reality. But that did not go on for long as there were staged more protests by the oppositions as legal battles were involved. The red shirts camp would get back in the streets in fierce protests as a leader who had been democratically elected had been ousted again. The urban and elite military had the might to force the move through schemes that were witty and evil at the same time. The essence of democracy was ignored at broad daylight. The red protests of 2009 marked the beginning of a chapter that would target various areas of the country and leadership (CNN, Timeline: Thailands political crisis, 2010). They would stage sit-ins peacefully outside government offices aiming to communicate their points of view. They were not impressed with the current leadership. It was more of a dictatorship with those in higher and better social classes taking advantage of the less fortunate. A power imposed on others without their consent and rule of the majority is likely to be inspired by interests far placed from those of the population (Dayley & Neher, 2010). The interests of Thai majorities would only be reflected in a democratic election. The red camp protests had their agendas shared with the public by use of various approaches. April 2009 marked one historical turning point when they stormed the resort of Pattaya where a regional political summit was ongoing (CNN, Timeline: Thailands political crisis, 2010). This was a dangerous yet bold move as they opened a chapter that would spell their discontent with leadership. This summit did not represent people’s interest as they claimed. It would only provide a better platform to steer dictatorship forward. The opposition had a habit of imposing leaders on others and choking them with agendas that did not make them better as a people. The protests did not come without casualties and loss of lives. The allegiance to Thaksin’s policies and the need for their perpetuity came with blood and death. Storming Pattaya resort in April 2009 saw the protests escalate to violence (Guardian, 2009). Protestors would clash with troops and engage in physical fights. They would lead to tens of casualties and death of two people. The government would involve more troops in the protest, and the protestors who were not armed would be overwhelmed. There were more commotions as Bangkok residents got involved in the protests. The leaders of the red camp would find it wise to call off the protest citing the need to avoid more injuries that would come with the commotion. The stubborn red camp was still willing to go back to the streets to air their concerns. Hurt by the nature of governance in the country, they would stage another protest in March 2010 with the sole purpose of toppling the government (DailyMail, 2010). Their targets this time were pretty strategic. They would go in Bangkok’s commercial districts that are more of the heart of the nation. All activities of the city were held at ransom. The red army would loudly stage their debate for the government to see everything at a standstill. Their ability to storm into the parliament has been cited as one move that had the red shirts members make their point. They managed to find a way into this building and MPs had to leave for their safety. Maybe they had gone so far but the reds had shown might that their opponents had not staged (Guardian, 2009). They were bothered by the approach used by the government in conducting leadership. The government would violate the rights of the press. It also violated the right of the people to information. The red camp would express dissatisfaction with this type of leadership by storming in a satellite transmission that belonged to a television station that the government had closed. They wanted to have the station back in the air. The government had a tendency of going against those who would openly point fingers at its failure. These would underscore the implications of a leadership inspired by dictatorship (Dayley & Neher, 2010). The protest by the red camp would carry on for several weeks and escalate to completely new level in 10th of April 2010. The members managed to get in two of the army bases in Bangkok (Asia -Pacific, 2010). This was one move that spelled danger right away as the clash between the soldiers and the people was ugly enough as more than 17 civilians died in the process. The red shirts would not retreat anyways but would stage more protests in the center of Bangkok city for several weeks until they were dispersed on 9th of May in 2010. The commotion left some people dead as some of the protest leaders were arrested. The debate of the red shirts would carry on until 2011, and their support towards Pheu Thai Party led to the election of Yingluck Shinawatra in 2011 who would steer the policies of ousted Thaksin. Debate behind the Yellow Shirts The motivation behind the yellow shirts is pretty fascinating having to appreciate the fact that the camp was established by the same Prime Minster they ousted (BBC, Thai PM deposed in military coup, 2006). This group of people represented the elite few in Thailand society. They were affiliated with the royal families who had a direct influence on power. They were a minority who had a better social status relative to others, and would be identified as an urban middle class (BBC, Profile: Thailands reds and yellows, 2012). They were affiliated with the People’s Alliance for Democracy party that represented different agendas from the UDD. Out of discontent with the then leadership, they would stage a protest in September 2006 that ousted Prime Minster Thaksin. Unlike the red camp, the yellow shirts camp debate was inspired by a number of elements that did not reflect the needs of the ordinary people. With their idea of leadership, their arguments were based on the dress code of the then Prime Minster Thaksin from one perspective. They cited his disloyalty to the king as the prime minister did not feel the need to dress in yellow, a color affiliated with the king (BBC, Profile: Thailands reds and yellows, 2012). Their debate would make more sense when they leveled such accusations as corruption and abuse of power (CNN, Explainer: Thailands political crisis, 2008). Under the leadership of Chamlon Srimuang, an ally to King’s council, the yellow camp staged protests that would see thousands of people participate, and Bangkok was held to a standstill, and the event saw the ousting of the then prime minister in September 2006 (BBC, Thai PM deposed in military coup, 2006). The camp would identify the reasons for the discontent, but they were not concerned about the best interests of the people. Corruption would not be addressed through a military coup. A leader who abuses power would not find a place in the hearts of the rural farmers of Bangkok, students and business people. The results of the by-elections did not impress the yellow camp and had to express a few grievances upon election of the sister of the previous prime minister (BBC, Profile: Thailands reds and yellows, 2012). They would stage more protests as they saw the current leader as a puppet of the former Prime Minister, Thaksin. The yellow camp would paralyze activities in major government offices and commercial centers. Air traffic and travel were paralyzed in these protests stagnating various sectors of the economy. The constitutional court would rule a staged election petition in favor of the yellow camps. This saw the establishment of a new government headed by Abhisit Vejjajiva under the Democratic Party (BBC, Profile: Thailands reds and yellows, 2012). The election of Prime Minster Vejjajiva would not satisfy the yellow team. It would accuse him if his inability to safeguard the sovereignty of the country during a dispute that featured the neighboring country Cambodia (BBC, Profile: Thailands reds and yellows, 2012). This was more for the people rather than based on self-interests. They believed in the power of pride that comes with a sovereign nation. The yellow team has been keen to influence decisions made in parliament regarding these political crises. The efforts of the government to deliberate a reconciliation bill have been under scrutiny citing such elements as loopholes to afford amnesty to people who committed crimes during the error of instability (BBC, Profile: Thailands reds and yellows, 2012). Role of Zomia in Thailand’s Leadership However, leadership in Thai has suffered influence from Zomia. This region of the world has refused to be infused in the modern way of governance. As it covers the highlands beyond Indochina, Thailand and Burma, the habitats have been found to preserve their indigenous culture and withdraw from state control and governance (Michaud, 2009). The people from this region have refused to be absorbed into states. They have a distinct linguistic feature when compared to those in the plains or the lowlands. They maintain kinship structures, a feature that is not common in the plains. Their production activities lead to the surplus that is not meant for the king. James Scott surges that, as much as status and wealth tend to abound both in the highlands and the lowlands, those in the valleys tend to portray a sense of endurance while those in the highlands happen to be unstable and geographically confined (Scott, 2009). Robert and Clack look at South Asia in a broad but similar perspective, as they examine the nature of politics this particular religion characterized by a leadership that is yet to embrace democracy (Dayley & Neher, 2010). An analysis of nations that have shown closed polity and those characterized by intermittent or no democracy. A country like Singapore is far better than Vietnam with latter being stuck in communism and an indigenous form of leadership (Scott, 2009). The aspects affiliated with culture in Zomia and the plains seem to shape up the politics of Thailand. The tendency of the nation to fall victim of political crisis is an indicator of resistance to embrace state governance. Democracy seems like a foreign element that does not match the kinship structures that exist in Zomia. The reserved mentality would see the common debates rise time and again between the yellow team and the red team. One team is still stuck in Zomia while the other is stable enough to give democracy a chance. REFERENCES ASIA-PACIFIC. (2010, April 10). Thai army base repels red shirts. Retrieved April 30th, 2015, from Aljazeera: http://www.aljazeera.com/news/asia-pacific/2010/04/20104104576998888.html BBC. (2006, September 20th). Thai PM deposed in military coup. Retrieved April 30th, 2015, from BBC: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/5361512.stm BBC. (2012, July 13th). Profile: Thailands reds and yellows. Retrieved April 30th, 2015, from BBC: http://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-pacific-13294268 CNN. (2008, Dec 3rd). Explainer: Thailands political crisis. Retrieved April 30th, 2015, from CNN: http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/asiapcf/11/26/thailand.crisis.explainer/ CNN. 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Handling Mountain Minorities in China, Burma, Cambodia, Vietnam, and Laos: From History to Current Concerns. Asian Ethnicity, 10: 25-49. Scott, J. C. (2009). The Art of Not Being Governed: An Anarchist History of Upland Southeast Asia. London: Yale University Press. Read More